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Front Page

- Hat-Tricky: NDA 272 Paar, INDIA Raises Bar

- Saffron sweeps all 7 Delhi seats for 3rd time in row, takes Ggn, Noida, Gzb too

- ‘Bold decisions’ to define third term, says Modi, vows war against graft

- Big message is people don’t want Modi, Shah running country: Rahul

- Sena beats Sena by 48 votes in see-saw thriller

- Naidu’s back with a bang in Andhra, new disha in Odisha

- Sensex suffers biggest-ever loss of 4,390 pts, `31L cr investor wealth wiped out in a session

- FASTEN YOUR SEAT BELTS

Hat-Tricky: NDA 272 Paar, INDIA Raises Bar

AB KI BAAR, COALITION SARKAR: Exit polls had given NDA a huge majority, almost in line with Modi’s 400-paar forecast – though ground reports suggested a much tighter race. With BJP on its own falling short of the magic mark, Modi – for the first time since he became Gujarat CM in 2001 — will have to depend on allies to form govt. Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu, who returned to NDA’s fold just before the elections, have a track record of being fickle allies. For Rahul Gandhi and INDIA, the results brought back memories of 2004, when Sonia helmed Cong to an unexpected win over Vajpayee-led NDA, which was seen to be coasting to victory on the back of its ‘India Shining’ campaign

Short Of Majority, BJP Has To Rely On Ambitious Allies

TEAM TOI

Narendra Modi is set to take over as PM for the third time in a row, but suffered a setback as an unexpectedly strong show by Congress, Samajwadi Party and Trinamool Congress denied him a Lok Sabha majority.

The drop of 60-plus seats was caused by losses inflicted by Akhilesh Yadav’s SP in the saffron stronghold of UP, which had played a crucial role in Modi’s previous two victories; smart teamwork by Congress, Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar in Maharashtra; and Mamata Banerjee’s successful defence of her bastion in Bengal.

BJP managed to dodge a debacle because of its victory in Odisha, the sweep of Andhra Pradesh by its ally TDP and by saving its strongholds of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh from being breached. It also performed well in Assam, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and, along with ally JD(U), retained its dominance in Bihar.

The failure to secure an absolute majority dampened celebrations of Modi’s success in becoming the first PM to secure three consecutive terms since Nehru in 1962. BJP’s score of 240, while distinctly underwhelming when viewed through the prism of the previous two single-party majorities and the 400+ target Modi had set for himself, is still a creditable performance for a govt facing 10-year incumbency.

The loss of majority leaves BJP dependent on allies — both bigger like TDP (16) and JD-U (12) as well as smaller ones like Chirag Paswan’s LJP. All three promptly pledged support to Modi.

But both Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar are known for their transactional outlook and maximalist approach. The possibility of them using their leverage, encouraged further by feelers from Congress and others in the opposition, is going to be a constant worry for BJP.

 Continued on P 38

FULL COVERAGE: P 2-4, 6-20, FLAP INSIDE

 Verdict In 11 Graphs, P 18-19

Saffron sweeps all 7 Delhi seats for 3rd time in row, takes Ggn, Noida, Gzb too

TEAM TOI

It was once again capital punishment for the opposition. Brought together by the compelling need to avoid splitting of votes, AAP and Congress – after many hiccups and ignoring the lack of enthusiasm of their cadres – had worked out a seat-sharing arrangement but at the end of the day couldn’t make any dent in the BJP fortress. The saffron party sailed through blithely, winning all seven seats and securing a vote share of 54.4%, albeit down by 2.3% from its 2019 vote share. AAP and Congress together polled 43.1%.

Having been pragmatic enough to replace all its sitting MPs, except for Manoj Tiwari, BJP turned out to be the winner who took all. From Tiwari, who defeated Congress’ Kanhaiya Kumar by 1.4 lakh votes to debutant Bansuri Swaraj, who trounced AAP’s Somnath Bharti by 78,370 votes, BJP steamrolled the opposition. The biggest margin was in North West Delhi where Yogendra Chandoliya defeated Congres- s’s Udit Raj by 2.9 lakh+ votes.

BJP also swept Delhi’s neighbourhood, with two-time MP Mahesh Sharma scoring a hat-trick in Noida with the biggest victory margin (5.6 lakh) in UP and Atul Garg winning Ghaziabad by 3.3 lakh votes.

The party also retained Gurgaon, where Rao Inderjit Singh won a record sixth term, and Faridabad, where K P Gurjar scored a hat-trick.

P 11-13

‘Bold decisions’ to define third term, says Modi, vows war against graft

TEAM TOI

Shrugging off celebrations in the opposition camp over BJP’s loss of majority, PM Narendra Modi Tuesday declared his third term would be defined by bold decisions, signalled the likelihood of fresh initiatives specifically aimed at women, the poor and SCs/STs and declared his intent to press on with his drive against corruption.

“All Indians will walk together and make the country progress... the third term will be used to write new chapters of bold decisions and it is a guarantee of Modi,” the PM said in his address to BJP cadres who had gathered to applaud the verdict that will lead to the third consecutive Modi-led regime.

If he was feeling disappointed over the results, Modi did not show it. Nor was there any indication that the reduced numbers would act as a restraint with the PM saying that his drive against corruption would continue.

“If the country has to progress in the 21st century, then we will have to wage a war against corruption,” Modi asserted.

 Continued on P 38

Big message is people don’t want Modi, Shah running country: Rahul

Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge termed the results a mandate against PM Modi and a “very big and damaging political and moral defeat” for him and BJP as “he sought votes in his own name everywhere”.

Congress MP Rahul Gandhi, at the same press conference in Delhi on Tuesday, said that “the main message in this election is that people have unanimously and clearly said, ‘we don’t want Narendra Modi and Amit Shah involved in the running of this country’.”

TEAM TOI

 Related report, P 30

Will decide today whether to talk to TDP, JD-U, he says

Though NDA is past the majority mark, Rahul Gandhi said INDIA members would meet Wednesday and decide whether to approach ex-partners JD(U) and TDP, both part of NDA now, in a bid to try and form govt. Sena (UBT)’s Uddhav Thackeray, part of INDIA, said, “We need to stake claim to form govt. Cong netas and others are talking to Naidu and Nitish. All possibilities are open.”

P 28

Sena beats Sena by 48 votes in see-saw thriller

In a nail-biting finish, Ravindra Waikar of the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena narrowly defeated Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray)’s Amol Kirtikar from the Mumbai Northwest constituency by just 48 votes, the lowest margin in India. Uddhav said his party will challenge the result. UBT’s Kirtikar had been leading the EVM count for much of the afternoon. But the mood changed soon after as his lead shrank to one vote. And when the postal ballots were added, the lead swung in Waikar’s favour.

P 27

Naidu’s back with a bang in Andhra, new disha in Odisha

TEAM TOI

Amidst the excitement of LS elections, the two big assembly polls saw major upsets as BJP uprooted Naveen Patnaik’s BJD, ending an unbroken 24-year stint in Odisha, and N Chandrababu Naidu made a dramatic comeback in Andhra Pradesh with his TDP-led alliance ousting YSRCP’s YS Jagan Mohan Reddy.

BJP rode anti-incumbency sentiment against Naveen, harping on emotive issues like Odia asmita and identity. Till 10pm, BJP had won 65 (and was leading in 13 more), BJD 51 and Congress 14 in the 147-strong assembly. Naveen lost in Kantabanji, one of the two seats he contested.

In AP, Naidu would be the first CM to get a fourth term. While the alliance won 164 seats (TDP 135, Jana Sena 21, BJP 8) in the 175-member assembly, Jagan lost the status of leader of opposition as YSRCP, with just 11 seats, could not win the minimum 18 required for the status.

P 20

Sensex suffers biggest-ever loss of 4,390 pts, `31L cr investor wealth wiped out in a session

TEAM TOI

Mumbai: Investors, globally, do not like surprises. They also prefer status quo. Surprisingly, both these elements were missing during Tuesday’s trading on Dalal Street. The result: A never-seen-before 4,390-point crash in sensex and Rs 31-lakhcrore wealth destruction in just six-and-a-half hours.

On Tuesday, contrary to exit poll predictions of a resounding election mandate for BJP, voters left the governing party 31 short of the majority mark and made it dependent on allies such as TDP and JD(U).

As a result, investors now expect that the new govt will not be able to take some of the bold policy decisions to push the economy along the strong economic growth path that it’s already on. As the initial poll results trickled in, sensex ope- ned 200 points down but then heavy selling pulled it down by over 6,000 points.

 Continued on P 25

11 Adani co stocks crash, group m-cap plunges `3.6L cr

Investors in Adani group companies were left poorer by a massive Rs 3.6 lakh crore on Tuesday as stock prices of all the 11 companies crashed on the back of a depleted mandate for the BJP-led NDA coalition. The group’s combined m-cap fell from Rs 19.4 lakh crore on Monday to Rs 15.8 lakh crore, BSE data showed. Group flagship Adani Enterprises led the slump. As the stock crashed 19%, its market cap worth Rs 80,416 crore eroded.

P 25

FASTEN YOUR SEAT BELTS

➤ BJP cedes Ram temple seat Faizabad to SP, barely 4 mths after shrine’s inauguration, along with all 4 other seats in Ayodhya division

P 7

➤ Cong wrests back Amethi as Gandhi loyalist K L Sharma defeats Union minister Smriti Irani by 1.7L+ votes

P 7

➤ Cong bags 2 of 2 in restive Manipur as both warring groups — Kukis in hills and Meiteis in Imphal valley — vote for it

P 27

➤ BJP opens its account in Kerala as Suresh Gopi, ‘Modi’s man’ & actor-turned neta, wins Thrissur

➤ Sandeshkhali row has little impact on Basirhat verdict as TMC’s Nurul Islam beats BJP’s Rekha Patra, the face of protests, by 3.4L votes

P 28

➤ Shunned by both BSP and SP, Chandrashekhar Azad successfully projects himself as a Dalit icon and wins UP’s Nagina by 1.5L+ votes

➤ Jailed pro-Khalistan preacher Amritpal Singh & Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa, son of Indira Gandhi’s assassin Beant Singh, win in Punjab. In J&K’s Baramulla, Engineer Rashid, jailed under UAPA, defeats Omar Abdullah

P 31

➤ Cong wins Banaskantha, denies BJP hat-trick of clean sweeps in Gujarat

P 29

➤ SP wins all 5 seats contested by members of Yadav 1st family: Kannauj (Akhilesh), Mainpuri (Dimple), Badaun (Aditya), Farrukhabad (Akshay), Azamgarh (Dharmendra)

Times Nation

- 67 emerge joint toppers in NEET-UG

- Sukhoi fighter crashes in Nashik, pilots eject safely

- MP pilgrim dies as boulder falls from hill & hits vehicle on Gangotri highway

- Duo who handed over `3L from Porsche kid’s dad to docs arrested

- Eco-cation: Your guide to green getaways

67 emerge joint toppers in NEET-UG

13.2L Candidates Qualified This Year, Compared To 11.4L In 2023

The number of candidates who appeared for NEET-UG exam also increased significantly from 20.4 lakh in 2023 to 23.3 lakh this year

Manash.Gohain@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: A record 67 candidates were joint toppers with a perfect score of 720 in this year’s NEET-UG exams to get admitted to undergraduate medical courses. The toppers include 53 male candidates, of which 16 are from OBC (non-creamy layer) category, five from economically weaker general section, and two from SC category. The number of female toppers stood at 14.

The competition got tougher this year with higher cut-offs across categories — 13.2 lakh candidates qualified this year, compared to 11.4 lakh in 2023. The number of candidates who appeared for the test also increased signifi- cantly from 20.4 lakh in 2023 to 23.3 lakh this year. The National Testing Agency (NTA) announced the results on Tuesday.

Rajasthan churned out 11 toppers, followed Tamil Nadu (8) and Maharashtra (7). Statewise, once again Uttar Pradesh (1.6 lakh) has the highest number of qualifiers, followed by Maharashtra (1.4 lakh) and Rajasthan (1.2 lakh). Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are the two other states in top five with over 89,000 candidates each qualifying the exam, while from Kerala over 86,000 qualified.

Of the 13.2 lakh qualifiers, 58.4% are females. In continuation of the trend in the past, over 2.2 lakh more female candidates than males qualified this year. Last year, the difference in favour of female candidates was 1.6 lakh.

With the aspirants scoring high, the range of qualifying marks this year increased significantly as compared to 2023. While the range of qualifying marks for general and EWS category had been set at 137-164 as against 120-137 in 2023, the cut-off for OBC, SC and ST increased to 163-129 from 136-107 last year. Similarly, the qualifying marks range for general/EWS PwD candidates is 163-146, up from 136-121 in 2023. This year’s qualifying marks range for disabled among OBC and SC candidates is 145-129, up from 120-108.

NEET-UG 2021 was conducted on May 5 with an attendance of 97%. The results were announced in less than a month, compared to 37 days in 2023.

For the 15% all-India quota seats, NTA in a statement said, “DGHS will conduct counselling for 15% all-India quota seats, deemed universities, central universities, seats of ESIC and AFMC, BHU and AMU. Candidates may visit the website www.mcc.nic.in for further information.”

Sukhoi fighter crashes in Nashik, pilots eject safely

New Delhi: A frontline Sukhoi-30MKI fighter crashed on Tuesday in Maharashtra’s Nashik after developing a technical snag. The two pilots from Hindustan Aeronautics (HAL), who were flight-testing the jet, managed to eject safely.

The twin-engine fighter, which had taken off from the HAL facility in Nashikafter an overhaul, crashed in a field near Shirasgaon. The pilots, Wing Commanders Shirish Bokil and Laganjeet Biswal, who reported the technical snag before ejecting, suffered minor injuries and are being treated at the HAL hospital. “The exact reason for the crash will only be known after detailed investigation,” an official said.

Sukhois are the mainstay of the IAF’s combat fleet, having inducted 272 of them from Russia for over $12 billion, with the bulk of them being “licenced produced” by HAL over the years. Over a dozen Sukhois have been lost in crashes till now, while the fleet has also faced engine problems as well as poor availability and management of spares. The IAF has now ordered 12 new Sukhois, which will be built by HAL to replace the ones that have crashed, and associated equipment for around Rs 11,500 crore.

TNN

MP pilgrim dies as boulder falls from hill & hits vehicle on Gangotri highway

A 30-year-old pilgrim from Madhya Pradesh was killed after a pickup vehicle he was travelling in, along with seven others, was hit by a boulder that had fallen from a hilltop at Sunagar area of Gangotri highway on Monday, reports Abhyudaya Kotnala.

The impact of the collision was such that the door of the vehicle got deeply bent inward, resulting in immediate death of one of the passengers Umaed Raikvar, a resident of MP’s Damoh area.

Duo who handed over `3L from Porsche kid’s dad to docs arrested

Two techies were killed on May 19 after a Porsche Taycan driven by the 17-yr-old son of a builder crashed into their two-wheeler

Pune: The crime branch on Tuesday arrested two men who allegedly facilitated contact between the father of the underage driver in the Porsche Taycan crash and the two arrested doctors of Sassoon General Hospital in Pune. Police said the duo handed over Rs 3 lakh cash for swapping the teen’s blood sample to manipulate the test result, reports Gitesh Shelke.

Police identified the two men as Ashfaque Basha Makandar, 36, and Amar Santosh Gaikwad, 27, both of whom, they said, undertake liasioning work with govt and local self-govt officials on behalf of builders and a politician. A crime branch team on Tuesday produced them before a city court, which ordered their remand in police custody till June 10.

Two techies were killed on May 19 after the Porsche Taycan driven by the 17-year-old son of a builder crashed into their two-wheeler around 2.30am. Police have already invoked charges of drunk driving along with forgery and destruction of evidence. “We arrested Makandar and Gaikwad in Mumbai’s Lalbaug late Monday night after receiving a tip-off,” said additional commissioner of police (crime) Shailesh Balkawade.

Asenior police officer told TOI, “Makandar and Gaikwad knew people in govt offices, civic bodies and other establishments as part of their liasioning job. Makandar is close to the teenager’s father. After the accident, he called the father offering help to manage things. Makandar then contacted Atul Ghatkamble, a class IV employee at Sassoon hospital’s mortuary, and sought help to get in touch with a senior doctor or any officer who could help manage things for them. Ghatkamble then gave him the contact of Dr Ajay Taware, head of the hospital’s forensic sciences department.”

The officer added, “Makandar and Gaikwad collected Rs 3 lakh cash from the builder and handed it over to Ghatkamble, who kept Rs 50,000 and gave the rest to casualty medical officer Dr Shrihari Halnor. The latter executed the blood sample swap. We are ascertaining the spot where the handover of cash was done.”

Eco-cation: Your guide to green getaways

With more people becoming conscious of their environmental impact, the demand for greener vacation options is on the rise

THIS YEAR, THE THEME IS ABOUT LAND RESTORATION, DESERTIFICATION, AND DROUGHT RESILIENCE. IT ADVOCATES BRINGING BACK HEALTHY LAND

Aanchal.Mathur@timesgroup.com

World Environment Day, celebrated annually on June 5th, is a global initiative led by the United Nations to raise awareness and encourage action for the protection of our environment, to thrive in future. One big part of protecting the environment is all about how we travel. Sustainable travel means making smart choices to keep our trips eco-friendly. This could be anything from picking green transportation and places to stay, to helping local communities and taking care of nature spots. By going the sustainable route, we're not just enjoying our vacations—we're also making sure the planet stays beautiful and healthy for everyone, now and in the future. Rajat Gera, commercial director – Six Senses Fort Barwara said, "Minimising energy consumption, opting for eco-friendly accommodations, and promoting slow travel by staying longer in one destination are crucial steps. By avoiding frequent travel between locations, we can substantially lower our carbon footprint. We encourage our guests to immerse themselves in nature-inspired experiences and embrace the authentic beauty of our destination. Through these efforts, we can collectively contribute to a more sustainable future." Pradeep Shetty, president, FHRAI, adds "Sustainability is now a core aspect of modern travel. Environmentally conscious travellers are favouring destinations and accommodations that promote eco-friendly practices, such as waste minimisation, energy conservation, and responsible sourcing. This trend is prompting the growth of green hotels and sustainable tourism initiatives in India."

As climate change continues to reshape our world, the way we travel is evolving too. Eco-tourism, once a niche segment, is now a thriving movement that aligns wanderlust with environmental stewardship. By choosing sustainable travel and stays, we can minimise our carbon footprint and protect the natural beauty we seek to explore. "Vacationing responsibly is no longer a choice but a necessity. By integrating renewable energy sources, reducing waste, and preserving natural habitats on each of our resorts we ensure that our destinations remain pristine for future generations. This is the essence of responsible luxury—offering indulgence without compromising our planet's well-being," says Vishal Vincent Tony, managing director, Ayatana Hospitalities.

TRAVELING RESPONSIBLY

Traveling responsibly in the era of climate change means being conscious of how your actions impact the environment and local communities. “Adopting sustainable practices, such as recycling plastics, using reusable and biodegradable products, is essential. By prioritising these efforts, industries can significantly contribute to a healthier planet and more efficient resource usage,” echoes Virender Razdan, GM, The Leela Bhartiya City

Choose Eco-Friendly Accommodations: Opt for hotels, lodges, and hostels that have been certified

by recognised environmental organisations. These establishments often implement energy-saving measures, waste reduction practices, and conserva- tion programs.

Pack Light and Smart: Travel light to reduce fuel consumption on your journey. Bring reusable items like water bottles, shopping bags, and utensils to minimise waste.

Use Public Transport: Whenever possible, use buses, trains, and bikes instead of renting cars or taking taxis. Not only does this reduce your car- bon footprint, but it also offers a more authentic way to experience a destination.

Eat Local: Support local farmers and reduce food miles by eating at locally owned restaurants and buying produce from farmers’ markets.

Offset Your Carbon Footprint: Calculate your travel emissions and invest in carbon offset projects such as reforestation or renewable energy initiatives.

Support Local Economies: Buy from local artisans, stay in locally owned accommodations, and hire local guides to ensure your money benefits the community.

Be an Advocate: Share your eco-friendly travel experiences and encourage others to follow suit. Advocacy can amplify the impact of sustainable travel practices.

"On this day, we are reminded of the crucial role eco-tourism and regenerative tourism play in preserving the natural beauty and biodiversity of our planet. Regenerative tourism actively restores and revitalise ecosystems," concludes Suneel Anchipaka, IAS, director, Tourism, Government of Goa & managing director, GTDC.

Times City

- Court seeks MCD’s reply over plying of horse-drawn carts

- 19-year-old suspect in murder case shot at during encounter

- Rain Respite After A Hot & Humid Day

- Air India ties up with Delhi Metro to facilitate check-in for international flyers at metro stns

- A FEW TIPS TO BEAT NEARLY 50-DEGREE TORTURE

- Probe ‘shoddy’, court asks home ministry to act against officer

- DDA’s New Desilting Deadline: June-End

- Real estate bizman asked to pay `2 crore

- Delhi magistrate courts accord little time to hear accused on first production: Study

- Chargesheet against CM in court on July 9

- No bail to businessman, HC terms accusations serious

- Work on to link subway to Gole Market museum

- SC Refuses Relief To Sisodia In Excise Case

- Man arrested for murder

- Act now to save our planet

Court seeks MCD’s reply over plying of horse-drawn carts

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: Delhi High Court has sought the Municipal Corporation of Delhi’s stand on a plea seeking seizure of horsedrawn carts or ‘tongas’ which are banned from plying in the national capital. The court acted on a plea by People for Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) claiming that the civic body has failed to implement its resolution on phasing out the tongas and rehabilitating their owners.

Abench of Acting Chief Justice Manmohan and Justice Manmeet PS Arora issued notice to MCD on the application and listed the main matter for hearing for Aug 7. The application was filed in a pending petition in which animal rights activists have sought enforcement of a 2010 resolution by which the standing committee of the civic body had resolved to phase out the tongas and rehabilitate their owners while recognising the plight of equine animals driving the overloaded carts.

In its application, PETA’s counsel has submitted that the tongas are being allowed to ply freely in crowded public spaces such as Azadpur Mandi and Narela Old Anaj Mandi. The counsel highlighted that on March 5, Indian Council for Agricultural Research-National Research Centre on Equines issued a letter, noting that three horses used for illegally plying tongas in Azadpur Mandi were found positive for glanders, which is a highly contagious zoonotic disease potentially fatal to humans.

The plea said PETA also issued a letter to the MCD commissioner on May 26 and highlighted the urgency in the matter and sought seizure of horse-drawn carts in accordance with the MCD’s resolution by which the tongas were banned in Delhi. The organisation also urged the court to issue a direction to the civic body to file an action taken report indicating the number of seizures made.

Earlier in Aug 2023, the court had noted that as per an MCD status report, the civic body had seized only 58 animals and 13 carriages since Feb 2021. The court was informed that there were over 170 tonga licence holders in Delhi and MCD was regularly issuing fresh licenses at an enhanced fee. The court had directed MCD not to issue any fresh licences for the time being.

19-year-old suspect in murder case shot at during encounter

New Delhi: A 19-year-old alleged criminal was shot at in his knees during an encounter with the Special Cell of Delhi Police in the wee hours of the morning in east Delhi.

Police said Mohammed Ayaan was a prime suspect in a gruesome murder case that happened northeast Delhi, adding that they had to resort to firing in self-defence, and one of the cops had to take a shot on his bulletproof vest during the encounter.

Ayaan and his associate had shot at a factory owner in Harsh Vihar in April and later he allegedly shot dead the factory owner's associate at his shop in Welcome area in May, a senior police officer said.

After receiving information that Ayaan would be coming near Ghazipur Mandi, a trap was laid, and he was asked to surrender, but he brazenly fired at cops, the officer said, adding that a total of seven rounds were fired in the intense exchange of fire, and the suspect sustained injuries in his legs. He was rushed to the hospital for treatment.

Ayaan had also been apprehended in 2023 following a encounter and one of his associates had received injury in his leg during gunfight, police said.

Inquiry revealed that Ayaan wanted to make his name in the crime world. "In past also he had fired several rounds outside house of a businessman," the officer added.

TNN

Rain Respite After A Hot & Humid Day

Mercury Dips Slightly, Heatwave To Continue

India Meteorological Department also expects very light rain and a thunderstorm towards evening in Delhi on Wednesday and Thursday

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: The city saw a hot and humid day with a scorching heatwave in certain parts of the city, and then a spell of rain early Tuesday evening.

For the past 11 days, the city has been grappling with scorching heat and heatwaves.

The city’s base station, Safdarjung, recorded a maximum of 43.8 degrees Celsius, four notches below normal. On Monday, the maximum was 44.6.

The minimum temperature was 30.4 degrees Celsius, three notches below normal and against 30.2 a day earlier.

Despite the slight drop in the maximum temperature, the feel-like temperature was 48.6 degrees Celsius, against 46 a day earlier. The humidity oscillated between 26% and 64%, respectively.

According to India Meteorological Department (IMD), the maximum and minimum temperatures on Wednesday are likely to hover around 43 and 31 degrees Celsius, respectively.

The India Meteorological Department (IMD), however, expects heatwave conditions in many places on Wednesday as well, despite an active western disturbance which led to rain on Tuesday evening and a drizzle in some areas on Monday night.

IMD also expects very light rain and a thunderstorm towards evening on Wednesday and Thursday.

“Due to an active western disturbance, there are chances of light to very light rain in some areas as well. A yellow alert had been issued for heatwaves in some isolated areas of the city,” an IMD official said.

At 46.4 degrees Celsius, Narela in north Delhi was the hottest area in the city, followed by west Delhi’s Pusa that recorded 45.9 and Najafgarh at 45.and south-west Delhi’s Jafarpur at 45.4 — all heatwave zones.

Other areas, though these did not recorded heatwaves, were still hot. Palam recorded 43.9 degrees Celsius, Lodhi Road 44.2, Ridge 44.2, Pitampura 44.9, Mayur Vihar and Rajghat 42.5 degrees Celsius.

A heatwave is announced when the maximum temperature is above 40 degrees Celsius and at least 4.5 notches above normal, or if the maximum temperature is above 45 degrees Celsius. A severe heatwave is declared when the maximum temperature is above 6.5 degrees or more above normal.

Some parts of the city also saw trace-level rain while others saw a short-duration high-intensity rainfall, which cooled the evening air.

The city has so far not recorded rainfall apart from trace in many places. The normal rainfall however for the month of June is 74.1mm.

Air India ties up with Delhi Metro to facilitate check-in for international flyers at metro stns

Mumbai: Air India on Tuesday said it had partnered with Delhi Metro and Delhi airport to facilitate check-in for international air passengers at two metro stations in Delhi.

The check-in and baggage drop facility at IGI airport allows passengers to check in their baggage at the metro station, giving the outstation travellers the option to explore the city baggage-free.

During this period, their baggage gets securely loaded onto the aircraft through an advanced automated infrastructure created by Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) and Delhi International Airport Ltd (DIAL).

Currently available for domestic air travel, this service will now be extended to international flyers and will remain operational at two Delhi metro stations — New Delhi and Shivaji Stadi- um — from 7am to 9pm, Air India said in a statement. It also added that the check-in can be done 12 hours to two hours prior to flight departure for domestic itineraries and four to two hours prior to departure for international schedules.

The metro train has a frequency of 10 minutes and it takes 19 minutes to reach the departure level at Delhi airport’s Terminal 3, making the travel faster and hassle-free, the airline said.

“This initiative not only provides a cost-effective option for travellers coming from distant locations but also helps control congestion at the airport, leading to a better experience for all our customers. It will significantly enhance the convenience of our customers," said Rajesh Dogra, Chief Customer Experience Officer at Air India.

PTI

A FEW TIPS TO BEAT NEARLY 50-DEGREE TORTURE

According to experts, Delhi’s lengthy roasting this summer not only draws attention to global warming, but also to the effects of the city’s changed landscape with decreased greenery, vanishing waterbodies and increased concretisation. They recommend actions like the implementation of heat action plans and cool-roof programmes, centralised district cooling, creation of urban forests and waterbodies, and construction of cool shelters for the poor and homeless

Probe ‘shoddy’, court asks home ministry to act against officer

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: Expressing displeasure over the investigation in a six-year-old robbery case, a Delhi court has asked the ministry of home affairs (MHA) to take action against the investigation officer (IO).

Stating that the probe was not conducted properly and fairly, the court of special judge Ekta Gauba Mann criticised the lack of effort to trace three out of four accused despite the victims of the robbery and one public witness stating that the offence was committed by four accused. The court also convicted one of the accused, Shadab, for the offence of robbery.

“Investigating Officer SI Ashok Kumar has not conducted investigation in a proper and fair manner and not tried to trace out the other three co-accused persons despite the fact that the present case pertains to the year 2018. Hence, a copy of this judgment be sent to the ministry of home affairs, govt of India, Delhi for in- formation and necessary action that the IO has not properly investigated the present matter as per law qua other accused persons for reason best known to the IO,” stated the court.

This case pertains to an FIR of robbery lodged at Kashmere Gate Police Station. After the investigation was carried out, the accused was arrested and a chargesheet was filed for the offences of robbery, dacoity and common intention.

On Sept 23, 2018, one Ankur Goel was travelling with his cousin brother, Achint Goel, in an autorickshaw. As they reached the traffic signal near Mori Gate Gol Chakkar, two men came on a bike and intercepted the autorickshaw. One of them was carrying a pistol. Two more motorbike-borne men joined them later. The accused threatened them to give everything they had. They robbed the duo of their gold bangle, gold chain and gold ring before escaping the spot on their bikes.

DDA’s New Desilting Deadline: June-End

Took EC Nod To Avoid Delay In Monsoon Preparedness; MCD Says 80% Of Ph I Work Done

Vibha.Sharma@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: The Delhi Development Authority (DDA) has extended the deadline for desilting drains within its jurisdiction by a month, setting the new completion date as June 30.

As part of its monsoon preparedness measures, the authority will set up central and zonal flood control rooms that will function continuously throughout the rainy season. “Sufficient fixed pumps at vulnerable locations and truck-mounted pumps with operators will be available at flood control rooms to take care of any situation,” said an official.

DDA is tasked with maintaining about 300km of roadside drains. To ensure desilting is completed on time, it had obtained permission from EC to avoid delays and issued short-term notices inviting agencies to carry out the work. “We invited bids last month for cleaning drains in Sarita Vihar, including along the metro line, pockets 9B and 9A, sports complex and Jasola district centre,” said the official.

Meanwhile, MCD has successfully finished 80% of the desilting work targeted in phase I and is on track to meet its June 15 deadline.

For FY 2024-25, the civic body aims to remove 1,27,736 metric tonnes of waste from 713 large drains covering an area of 466km. While 76 drains have already been desilted, work is in progress on another 602. “It was proposed to remove 78,179.8 metric tonnes of waste by mid-June in phase I, and 49,556 metric tonnes by March-end in phase II. Till June 3, we have re- moved 62,999 metric tonnes,” said an MCD official.

The civic body also aims to remove 82,642 metric tonnes of silt from 20,884 small drains spanning an area of 6,657km. In a departure from previous years, this year’s plan covers unauthorised co- lonies for the first time.

According to officials, most of the desilting work for large drains is being outsourced. MCD’s engineering department is closely monitoring the progress to ensure it is completed before the monsoon season begins.

“Agencies are using excavators and machines for taking out silt, which is then dumped at sanitary landfills as soon as it is dried. For smaller drains, instructions have been issued to clear the material daily,” said the official. A nodal officer has also been assigned to each drain to promptly address any waterlogging issues during the monsoon.

The civic body has, however, flagged concerns with DJB and other departments about disposal of sewer connections into drains at some locations. “There have been instances where, immediately after the removal of silt, drains are clogged again due to the continuous flow of untapped sewer connections into them. In those circumstances, establishing centralised sewer treatment plants will not serve the purpose. Disposal of sewage into drains le- ads to a foul smell too,” said the official.

The official also listed other monsoon measures, such as temporary pumps. “At all 72 permanent pumping stations, staff will be engaged 24/7 during the rainy season. Teams are being formed and will be equipped with a sufficient number of pumps to attend to waterlogging issues in their respective areas,” he added.

Control rooms will be established in all 12 zones and at the headquarters, and operate round-the-clock to ensure prompt response to complaints and their timely resolution.

Meanwhile, leader of opposition and BJP councillor Raja Iqbal Singh said the first phase of desilting work should have been completed by May 31, but only 76 drains had been desilted “due to the dilly-dallying attitude of AAP in MCD”.

Real estate bizman asked to pay `2 crore

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: A real estate businessman in Paschim Vihar has allegedly been asked to pay Rs 2 crore as protection money by a person claiming to be from the Nandu gang.

The victim, who has offices in Najafgarh and Bahadurgarh, received the call on his personal phone between 5pm and 6pm on Monday. The caller, who used an international number to conceal his identity, told the businessman to either pay Rs 2 crore or be ready to be brutally killed. A case has been filed.

According to police sources, the caller even boasted about the gang’s alleged involvement in the murder of Haryana INLD chief Nafe Singh Rathee, which had sent shockwaves through the community in Feb.

The latest threat comes days after a real estate businessman from north Delhi’s Civil Lines was threatened with an extortion demand of Rs 5 crore in the name of gangster Goldy Brar.

Delhi magistrate courts accord little time to hear accused on first production: Study

The study, carried out from Nov 2022 to Feb 2023, found that first production and remand matters were heard at random, in parallel to or between other proceedings

WAIT FOR JUSTICE

Vineet.Upadhyay@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: Most magistrates in Delhi’s magisterial courts did not accord proper time to the first production of an accused or the remand proceedings, said a report titled "Magistrates & Constitutional Protections: An Ethnographic Study of First Production and Remand in Delhi courts" by Project 39A.

The study by eight researchers was a record of observations during remand proceedings before the city’s magistrate courts from Nov 2022 to Feb 2023. The team visited courts in Karkardooma, Tis Hazari, Saket, Dwarka, Patiala House and Rohini.

The study was designed in two phases. In the first month and a half, the researchers covered the magistrate courts in Karkardooma, Tis Hazari and Saket, and in the latter month and a half, they studied courts in Dwarka, Patiala House and Rohini.

The emphasis was on observing proceedings in diffe- rent magistrate courts — at least two magistrate courts per court complex.

The report highlighted problems with these courts which are often the first layer of the justice system for citizens.

It found that, given the heavy case load before magistrates, the first production and remand proceedings of the accused were not accorded proper time.

"The heavy workload of magistrates and the perception of these pre-trial proceedings as unimportant, might result in magistrates not treating each production matter before them as unique and warranting a careful inquiry into the detention and well-being,” the report said.

The report said that first production and remand matters were heard at random, in parallel to or between other proceedings. It said that many times, this contributed to the absence of remand lawyers and legal representation. "Despite remand lawyers (a special category of legal aid lawyers) being especially appointed to ensure legal representation at the pretrial stage, they were noticed to be usually absent in court. First productions and remands were usually carried out in the absence of legal representation, often in magistrates’ chambers without any public gaze," the study said.

The study mentioned that the production matters were not mentioned on the cause list, the most publicly visible document of the schedule of a magistrate court.

Stating that magistrate courts were primarily focused on the first-level analysis — ensuring presence of artefacts in the case files — the study added that there was not enough effort to verify the con- tents of the paperwork or enquire with the accused present in court or with the family of the accused. "Very rarely did magistrates treat these artefacts as a starting point of their inquiry, to ascertain the reality of the experience in custody, and to ensure that the constitutional purpose behind the safeguards had been substantially felt by the accused. The public performance of ensuring compliance with statutory safeguards and ensuring realisation of constitutional rights is not given its due importance," the study said.

It pointed out that magistrates rarely interact with the accused to ascertain their well- being beyond a brief query. It added that unless the magistrate embarked on a meaningful interaction with the accused, their family, and the remand lawyers, they were unable to ensure the actual protection of the accused’s rights.

The entire system was organised such that the onus was on the accused to draw the magistrate’s attention to violations experienced in custody, the study said. The examination of the MLC (medico-legal case) was not taken as an opportunity to probe the origin of injuries — by police or public — and ensure the wellbeing of the accused.

Pointing out an absence of an inspection memo or record of injuries/condition of the accused on arrest, the study said that the accused were produced from police custody by officers of the same police station investigating the case.

"There is no separation between the police and the accused at this stage to create an environment conducive to the accused to raise their concerns," the study said.

Chargesheet against CM in court on July 9

New Delhi: A Delhi court is likely to pass on July 9 its order on whether to take cognisance of a supplementary chargesheet filed by Enforcement Directorate against Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal in the excise policy-linked money laundering case.

Special Judge Kaveri Baweja, who was scheduled to pass the order on Tuesday, deferred it for July 9, saying the documents were comprehensive and the court needed time to make a decision. The judge had reserved the order after hearing arguments, including those by the ED, which said it has sufficient evidence against the accused to prosecute him. The ED has also named AAP as an accused in the charge sheet.

The court, meanwhile, is likely to pronounce its order on Kejriwal's application seeking bail on medical grounds on Wednesday.

PTI

No bail to businessman, HC terms accusations serious

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: Delhi High Court on Tuesday refused to grant bail to businessman Amandeep Singh Dhall, arrested by the CBI in a corruption case linked to the alleged excise policy scam, saying the accusations against him are serious in nature.

Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma said since many witnesses in this case are known to Dhall and he was also in contact with “influential” functionaries of the Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi govt, he does not satisfy the triple test for grant of bail.

“The allegations against the applicant are also serious in nature and their impact on the society and common man at large has to be considered as a factor while adjudicating an application seeking grant of regular bail,” said the court in its 34-page order.

Taking strong note of Dhall’s argument about undue delay in deciding his bail application filed in July 2023, Justice Sharma pointed out that he had submitted before the Supreme Court that his bail application was listed and heard on 40 occasions by the high court but was thereafter adjourned till July 8, 2024 for arguments.

The court, giving a list of dates on which Dhall’s bail plea was listed and the orders passed, noted that his claim of incarceration being prolonged is contrary to the record. “The regular bail application had been listed on 17 occasions. However, out of the 17 occasions when the regular bail application had got listed for hearing, on about 9 occasions, applications seeking interim bail on medical grounds,” it added.

Of the remaining 8 occasions, either the notice had been issued or arguments addressed on behalf of the applicant.

Work on to link subway to Gole Market museum

The foundation of the heritage building is being strengthened now

Vibha.Sharma@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: As part of the Gole Market Museum redevelopment project, New Delhi Municipal Council’s architect department has begun drafting plans for construction of a subway, designed to enhance the museum’s accessibility and connectivity while preserving its historical significance.

"As per initial plan, provision for a subway from the RK Ashram Marg was supposed to be made so that the people can reach the museum (situated in the centre of a busy traffic roundabout) easily. A consultant has been engaged to conduct surveys and explore options for developing the facility," said Satish Upadhyay, vice chairman of NDMC.

Currently, foundation of the century-old heritage building is being strengthened and the debris collected after removing the damaged plaster has been cleared. “The next steps involve strengthening the parapet on the firstfloor structure wall and creating ventilation ducts at the ground level for the dome-shaped structure. Following this, excavation will be carried out up to a depth of 15 feet to construct a subway connecting to RK Ashram Marg,” said Upadhyay.

The project, which includes conservation and restoration of the entire complex, began in Oct 2023, with a targeted completion by Oct 2025.

The conservation process will maintain original shape of the structure, including the arch structures within the premises. "Considering it is a heritage building, all works are done after nod and as per specification of the Heritage Conservation Committee," Upadhyay said. The restoration will utilise materials such as sukhi mortar.

The project's scope encompassed retrofitting, rehabilitation, and conservation of the heritage structure, along with the construction of a service block and a subway. Key features of the project included a glass dome roof structure, central air conditioning, ornamental fittings, and a service block equipped with lifts.

An official previously mentioned, "It will be the first museum in the country dedicated to women achievers of the country and showcase the contributions made by women of India in art, literature, culture, social sector, as well as the struggle for independence."

To address visitors’ parking needs, NDMC identified a plot of land near Gole Market, which belongs to the Land and Development Office and is actively pursuing the matter with the relevant authority.

The historic and iconic Gole Market, designed by Edward Lutyens in 1921, has been awaiting restoration and renovation since 2006. On June 16, 2022, lieutenant governor VK Saxena visited the site and instructed officials to expedite the work. Subsequently, an updated proposal was presented in the council meeting in Aug 2022. On Oct 21, Saxena laid foundation for the project.

SC Refuses Relief To Sisodia In Excise Case

Allows Him Fresh Plea After ED’s Final Complaint

Solicitor general Tushar Mehta told the apex court that ED would file its final complaint in the case related to the alleged excise policy scam by July 3

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Tuesday refused to grant bail to former AAP minister Manish Sisodia in CBI and ED cases related to the alleged Delhi liquor policy scam despite him being behind bars for the last 15 months but said he could renew his bail plea once Enforcement Directorate files its final complaint by July 3.

Senior advocate Abhishek Singhvi, placing Sisodia’s case before a vacation bench of Justices Arvind Kumar and Sandeep Mehta, said the trial in the case is yet to commence as the ED and CBI are filing numerous supplementary chargesheets against the accused, whose tally has gone up to 47 by now, and presented documents running to over 56,000 pages, together making it impossible for expeditious completion of trial.

“The accused has a statutory and constitutional right to be enlarged on bail, especially when he is alrea- dy in jail for 15 months and had no role in delay in commencement of the trial,” Singhvi said.

Opposing Sisodia’s bail plea, solicitor general Tushar Mehta said the delay in filing final complaint by ED was mainly attributable to AAP convener and Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal refusing to respond to nine summonses for questioning. “This has become a trend now-a-days. The accused or his associates delay the process for completion of investigations and take the very ground to seek bail,” he said.

The bench then asked Mehta when will the ED file its final complaint, to which he replied that it would be done latest by July 3. The bench disposed of Sisodia’s bail plea with liberty to the AAP functionary to seek the same relief once the final complaint is filed.

The SC had rejected earlier bail plea of Sisodia saying, “In view of the assurance given by the prosecution that they shall conclude the trial by taking appropriate steps within next six to eight months, we give liberty to the appellant — Manish Sisodia — to move a fresh application for bail in case of change in circumstances, or in case the trial is protracted and proceeds at a snail's pace in next three months.” Singhvi had argued that the trial is yet to commence.

But the SG, with advocate Zoheb Hussain, said Delhi HC on May 21 had examined Sisodia’s bail plea and rejected it, saying the delay is neither attributable to the trial court nor the probe agency but to the AAP convener. There is no change in circumstance since SC had rejected Sisodia’s bail plea, Mehta said.

Man arrested for murder

TIMES NEWS NETWORK

New Delhi: A man has been arrested for allegedly murdering a woman in outer north Delhi’s Samaypur Badli.

The incident happened on Jan 21, when suspect Pramod alias Podi was beating one Akshay along with his associates, the woman identified as Meenu tried to save him but the suspects allegedly assaulted her, police said on Tuesday.

Later, she taken to hospital where she was declared brought dead, said Satish Kumar DCP (crime).

Podi fled from the spot and started living in Panipat, the DCP said, adding that police received information that the accused will come to meet his wife in Narela, a trap was laid and he was arrested.

Podi, a Samaypur Badli resident, is a class 12th dropout and was working as a guard in Sanjay Gandhi Transport Nagar.

Act now to save our planet

It's time to restore the damaged ecosystem and make this planet a better place to live in

Rashmi.Sanzgiri@timesgroup.com

The United Nations (UN) every year, since 1974, observes June 5 as the World Environment Day to make people aware of the importance of conserving nature. The 2024 edition of World Environment Day focusses on land restoration, desertification, and drought resilience, under the slogan ‘Our Land’.

Deforestation, increasing use of plastic, wastage of water resources, rise in industrialisation and a host of other factors have taken a toll on the environment and wildlife. Hence, it is the need of the hour to restore our ecosystem. According to environmentalists, this is only possible when people across the world join hands to conserve nature and reduce their carbon footprint.

“We cannot wait for 2050 to achieve the net zero carbon emission target; we need to make peace with the planet now. Mitigation and adaptation are not the only solutions anymore—we need to accelerate the natural processes, and boost innovative thinking that can restore the world’s ecosystems. The focus should be on conservation of what’s left of our planet. Prevention of further degradation is vital now,” informs Elsie Gabriel, environmentalist. She further adds, “Restoration could also remove greenhouse gases from the atmosphere. This could bring down the cost of investments in mitigation. The government is doing its part, but communities and individuals as well should contribute towards forests, mangroves, farmlands, cities, wetlands, and marine biodiversity restoration.”

The process of ecosystem restoration will help in controlling erosion, improving water quality, protecting habitat, and providing other benefits to people and environment. Here are some important ways of restoring the ecosystem.

PLANT MORE TREES: The importance of trees and how it’s immensely beneficial to the environment is known to all. While industrialisation and infrastructural development is necessary for the nation’s progress, it is also important to save and plant more trees. Besides providing food and oxygen, trees help in checking soil erosion, preventing flooding, and protecting wildlife amongst other benefits. It’s imperative to preserve forests, woodlands, and green zones in urban areas as it helps to slow down global warming.

“The loss of green cover doesn’t mean fewer trees— it implies more soil erosion, greater vulnerability to flooding, higher temperatures, lesser rainfall, and a complete loss of codependent ecosystems. Community-led plantations can go a long way in contributing towards not only increasing green cover, but also restoring peri-urban ecosystems. Having said that, plantation drives are increasingly becoming instruments of greenwashing. Hence, while participating in a plantation drive, one must ensure that the saplings are native to the area. We must nurture them for a couple of months until they are able to survive on their own,” states Abhiir Bhalla, youth environmentalist and sustainability consultant.

PRESERVE WILDLIFE HABITAT: Protecting wildlife habitat is another important step in restoring the ecosystem. According to environmentalists, the loss of habitat is the biggest threat to wildlife. The world has already faced the extinction of one million species. And hence, it’s critical to take steps in the direction that would create an environment where plants and animals can thrive.

REDUCE, RECYCLE, AND REUSE WASTE: The volume of waste, especially plastic, generated by the increasing urban population is adversely affecting the environment and raising health concerns. The most effective way to manage non-biodegradable waste is by reducing, recycling, and reusing it. One can contribute in this regard by replacing plastic bags with cloth bags, using eco-friendly plates and cups, recycling plastic bottles and choosing digital ways to save paper.

Dharmesh Basu, nature lover, shares, “Believing that the change should begin from home, I created a compost pit to make a better use of the wet waste that my household generates. However, the next question was how to cope with the non-biodegradable waste. We had a few unused plastic bottles, and so instead of throwing it away, I started growing plants in it and hung them on the window grill. While generating less waste is a key solution, it is equally imperative to dispose waste in a more environmentally-friendly manner.”

Many experts rightly point out that although India is steadily moving towards becoming a superpower, unless we carefully manage land, water and natural resources, this dream will not become a reality.

(With inputs from Himanshi Duseja)

Dance Of Democracy

- Behind The Numbers, Beyond The Headlines

- How small drop in BJP vote share led to big dent in tally

- Where contests were direct, victory margins were the narrowest

- Why high GDP growth did not fetch BJP electoral gains

- ‘Wild card’ entry: Samvidhan bachao narrative strikes chord with voters

- Minority community plays major role in SP & Trinamool seat surge

- Mandal momentum shakes up Hindutva juggernaut

- No farewell to welfare: BJP may loosen purse strings

- Man With Modified Mandate

- Not so ‘Upyogi’? Results reversal comes as reality check for UP CM

- Himanta: Will N-E star campaigner lose sheen?

- Faizabad: Mandir no guarantee of mandate

- Not Keeping Ear To The Ground Hurt BJP

- Smriti, 6 ministers lose in UP; victory margins fall for others

- Saffron citadels breached as INDIA finds Uttar

- New territories help BJP compensate for losses

- 3 reasons why tally halved in largest state

- Spunky RaGa Gives Cong A Comeback Tune

- Congress ticks right boxes, finds mojo for upcoming battles

- Together they rose: INDIA proves bigger than sum of its parts

- YouTubers earn eyeballs, give oppn a leg up

- Akhilesh Takes A Step ‘Backward’ To Move Forward And Beyond MY

- Tejashwi leads charge on road to 2025 assembly polls

- Allies May Change, But Nitish Remains Axis Of Bihar Politics

- Maya caught in her own jaal as Jatav voters shift loyalty

- KCR, man seeking national flight, crashlands where it all began

- Out of Kejriwal shadow, lone ranger Mann brings AAP consolation prize

- Beyond Big Two, Power Players

- Venerable Veterans Far From Done

- Didi’s Gambit To Ditch INDIA In WB, ‘Go Ekla’ Splits Votes In Her Favour

- Uncertain road ahead for Ajit’s NCP after lone LS poll victory

- Uddhav proves he’s more than just his father’s son

- BJP Goes All Out In TN But No Cracks In Stalin’s Citadel

- ‘Bhatakti Aatma’ stages a comeback, shows his nephew who’s the real NCP

- Rebel Shinde holds ground despite ‘sympathy wave’

- Bansuri gets poll tune right

- Bidhuri has rival on the mat

- Upstart upstages old hand

- BJP goes north in North West

- Ctrl+Alt+Delhi:Alliance Finds Zero Bandwidth

- No wild swings in West

- Tiwari coasts to third win

- Why assembly polls may still be anybody’s game

- A see-saw victory in East

- AAPeal diminished, Kejriwal’s troubles mount

- Again, Delhi Goes To Biggest Party

- New Tricks Needed Despite Hat-Trick

- Cong needs gust to convert winds of change into wave

- In game of thorns, AAP must keep flock together

- Muslim vote fails to swing it for alliance in Delhi

- POLLINATION

- Margins Go South, But South Hry Stays With BJP

- BJP’s Gurjar makes it a three-peat in Faridabad

- Cong wins 5 seats; farmers’ discontent and Agnipath take a toll on BJP’s tally Vinay Gupta

- It’s a hat-trick for Sharma in GB Nagar, victory margin of 5.6L biggest in state

- Saffron run unbroken in Gzb as Garg cruises: ‘Faced dissent, misinformation but all well now’

- Change Rides On SP’s Cycle

- Minority report: 4/4 for SP’s Muslim picks

- It’s a five-star performance by BJP, and a hat-trick too

- Kings & queen in all 4 HP seats swear by saffron

- With 11 seats, desert state helps INDIA quench thirst

- 29-0: MP healer for BJP, horror for Cong

- Guaranteed win? BJP scores 5th straight victory

- Didi’s Double Delight: Weak Centre, Weaker State Oppn

- Manipur & 3 N-E states dump NDA

- Himanta doffs hat to Cong hero Rakibul

- Nine not fine: Single digit for NDA, tribals back INDIA

- Written off, Nitish surprises all and equals BJP’s dozen

- In stunning blow, BJD draws a blank. BJP takes 20, Cong bags the other

Behind The Numbers, Beyond The Headlines

What were voters saying, as they denied Modi’s BJP majority, but still made it, by some distance, the single largest party? What was the message behind Rahul-powered Congress regaining its mojo? How can a govt running an economy that’s growing at 8.2% suffer electoral reverses? TOI looks at the key takeaways from an election that had exit pollsters running for cover

HINDUTVA PITCH DIDN’T WORK AS WELL AS HOPED FOR

NOTHING SHINES FOREVER, NOT EVEN BRAND MODI

Modi led BJP’s campaign.

He was BJP’s campaign. And that was the problem. No political brand is immune to voter fatigue. Modi’s wasn’t either. BJP’s rising vote share since 2014 was rightly attributed to Modi. The fall in its vote share must also mean Brand Modi has lost some lustre. Without doubt he’s still a leader who commands substantial support. But, equally without doubt, that support wasn’t enough to carry BJP beyond the finish line when voters had many questions for Modi Sarkar. Talking up growth rates when jobs are scarce, and prices pinch or talking up India’s standing in world when rural incomes and consumption are under stress — Modi’s key pitches were judged as out of whack with reality by many voters. The best demonstration of this came from UP. The state Modi made his political home gave BJP its biggest shock. Also, given that Modi’s entire electoral record was built on delivering clear BJP majorities whenever he’s on the ballot, his inability to take BJP past 272 will affect his brand post-results. Modi the Invincible can’t apply if Modi runs a coalition govt, whose survival depends on mercurial allies like Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu. Modi has seen a different kind of India. Will India see a different kind of Modi?

RAHUL TALKED THE WALK, MANY VOTERS LISTENED

Written off any number of times since 2014 — often derisively called ‘Pappu’ and ‘Shehzada’ — Rahul Gandhi still refused to listen to party insiders who advised him to take a less combative stance. He doubled up on it and pushed many INDIA partners to join him in taking the attack to Modi. He stuck to a theme that emphasised breadand-butter issues of ordinary voters. The two Bharat Jodo Yatras were built around these themes, and they were repeated by Rahul in rally after rally. He correctly divined that a substantial number of voters were a receptive audience for his message — even in Modi citadels like UP. It’s largely to Rahul’s credit that Congress is back as a player of note in the North, where BJP reigned supreme for 10 years. To be sure, Rahul has a long road to walk to reach a position where they can take BJP head on across the North. In MP and Chhattisgarh, for example, Rahul’s message clearly didn’t work as much it did in, say, UP. But a door has opened for Congress, and the party has its de facto leader to thank for it.

WHEN THERE’S NO WAVE, POLITICS GOES LOCAL

Pundits say no one catches an electoral wave as it’s happening, all identification is with hindsight. But this time, to observers on the ground, it was clear there was no Modi wave, not even in UP. When pan-national issues don’t capture voter imagination, local concerns dominate voter thinking. Micro caste calculations come back into play, livelihood concerns become paramount, candidate selection assumes huge importance — in short, politics reverts to the small things that affect voters, not an abstract big idea that fires them up.

WHO’S THE BOSS OF INDIA? KING CONG, OBVIOUSLY

When the INDIA alliance was formed, heavyweights like Mamata were sceptical of the idea that Congress can lead the opposition. The alliance had other big netas, Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray, Akhilesh Yadav, MK Stalin, all of whom looked at Congress not as the leader of the group, but as a party that had lost badly in two LS elections. But it was always true that for BJP to fall short of a majority, Congress had to do much better. So, the Grand Old Party was always the key player in INDIA. Now that Congress has nearly touched the three-figure mark in LS, with excellent performances in UP and Maharashtra, there’s no question who leads INDIA. Opposition regional heavyweights now need Congress to lead future fights against BJP, in Parliament and in elections.

KINGMAKERS ARE BACK WITH A BANG

Coalition politics was for losers, was the mantra in 2014 and 2019. Coalitions are lifesavers, is the message from 2024. Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar, both pre-poll alliance partners of BJP, are the reason a BJP-led govt can come to office. That, reportedly, both these politicians, who have been in every kind of alliance, got calls from both sides of the political divide tells us that the old story of Indian politics — parties with few seats can make or break a govt — is firmly back. Just like in 1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009, kingmakers will demand the king does them special favours. Just like in those years, the big party — BJP in this case — will have to carefully consider allies’ views before taking certain kinds of policy decisions. And, in another repeat, kingmakers will play a crucial role when it comes to allocating portfolios.

HINDUTVA CAN’T ALWAYS WIN HINDUSTAN

The consecration of the Ram temple in January was supposed to be the icing on the Hindutva cake that BJP had been carefully baking since 2014. That in UP, the home of the mandir, BJP was beaten in LS seat count by INDIA shows that voters, while not unresponsive to Modi’s messages on the majority community’s cultural revival, are not prepared to entirely subsume their material concerns under Hindu ‘garv’. It’s not that the mandir and the larger Hindutva messaging by themselves cost BJP Hindu community votes. It’s more that these campaign pitches got trumped, in crucial states, by a range of factors: fracturing of BJP’s social coalitions in states like UP, angst over stagnant rural incomes in states like Maharashtra. Also, in some big states like Bengal and Tamil Nadu, which answer to cultural identities distinct from that of the North, the temple consecration didn’t win significantly more support for BJP.

SCARING THE MAJORITY CAN’T GET A MAJORITY

The incumbent party made several attempts at polarising voters via subtle and not-so-subtle communally coded messaging, whether in rallies or on social media. Congress, as BJP suggested, would open the cash till for minorities, and Hindus would suffer. It didn’t work in UP, where polarisation has been a tried and tested tactic. Nor in Bengal, where BJP was banking on what it saw as Hindu voters’ disgruntlement over Mamata Banerjee’s ‘Muslim appeasement’. It didn’t quite work in Karnataka, which hosts quite a few strident Hindu right politicians. Or in Rajasthan, home to many communal clashes.

MINORITIES CAN MAKE MORE THAN A MINOR DIFFERENCE

BJP and everyone else knew Muslim votes would go against it. What the party perhaps didn’t reckon with was that Muslims would vote in a way that made a difference between BJP winning and losing seats, as happened in UP, where the Congress-SP alliance profited greatly. In Bengal, with Muslims solidly behind Mamata, Trinamool could concentrate on keeping its non-Muslim vote bank as intact as possible. That BJP lost seats in both states compared to 2019 showed that marginalising the minority can be a risky strategy when other negative factors are also in play.

EVEN MODI’S BJP NEEDS THE SANGH

Reports from key states like UP, Maharashtra, Karnataka had indicated RSS karyakartas were not enthusiastically participating in BJP’s campaign. Bear in mind that UP is home to the mandir, Maharashtra hosts RSS HQ and Karnataka is BJP’s biggest southern base. Why the Sangh behaved in this fashion remains unclear. But RSS staying aloof seems to have made a difference to BJP’s final performance. Significantly, BJP president JP Nadda had said during an interview, when asked about his party’s relationship with RSS, that BJP, having grown up as an organisation, doesn’t need RSS as a crucial support system. Not quite true, perhaps.

PICK YOUR FRIENDS BY ASSESSING YOUR ENEMY

Both NDA and INDIA played this smart. BJP bigshots listened to their Odisha and Andhra local units that, respectively, wanted no alliance with BJD and wanted a tie-up with TDP, not YSRCP. Those calls paid rich dividends. As did BJP’s decision to woo Nitish back to the NDA fold just months before polls. Had BJP stuck with ADMK in Tamil Nadu, it might have been in a better position postresults. On the other side, SP tying up with Congress in UP produced this election’s biggest upset. And, in Maharashtra, MVA — Congress plus NCP, Shiv Sena splinters — didn’t lose heart even when it lost its govt, and it gave BJP the second biggest LS shock.

AND PICK YOUR CANDIDATES BY CONSULTING LOCAL UNITS

Observers had pointed to BJP’s candidate selection in UP as a handicap. In Maharashtra, the BJP-led Mahayuti struggled to nominate candidates in some seats till the last moment. Results for BJP in both states show the wisdom of adopting a more democratic, and less centralised, way when choosing candidates. BJP has the most powerful high command. But the writ of party HQ doesn’t always produce results that party bosses want.

DON’T TALK ABOUT TINKERING WITH THE CONSTITUTION

Sometime after campaigning began in earnest, BJP took to reassuring voters it had no plans to change the Constitution, no plans to tinker with reservations. It was forced into this by a successful opposition campaign, which took advantage of some BJP netas’ statement that 400-paar will give the party a chance to refashion the Constitution. That INDIA campaign, centered around the theme that BJP wanted to take away SC/ST reservations, clearly worked, as results especially in UP show. BJP’s carefully built social coalition in the state splintered because a sizeable number of Dalits took the ‘threat’ to quotas seriously. BJP tried to change the game by talking about Congress’s ‘plans’ to take away SC/OBC quotas for Muslims. But it didn’t work.

IT’S THE ECONOMY, EVEN WHEN GDP IS ON A HIGH

In a country with steep income and wealth inequality, a fast-growing economy must create enough decent jobs for the macro numbers to positively impact lived realities of most citizens. That this wasn’t happening was clear even from govt data, which showed self-employment and unpaid housework were two big chunks of total employment. Almost every ground report from constituencies, especially in big states like UP and Maharashtra, captured the angst of the jobless young. In Haryana and Punjab, the jobs question was sharpened by BJP govt’s introduction of 4-year stints for army jawans. Agniveer is one ‘reform’ that cost BJP clearly. Add to all this a rural economy that had to support, post-pandemic, more people who couldn’t find jobs in factories and cities, as well as a general complaint about inflation. You then have the perfect storm of dissatisfaction.

FREEBIES ARE NOT A FREE PASS IN ELECTIONS

BJP had its free foodgrain scheme, Congress promised to top it, Jagan Reddy promised the moon, so did some others — but there’s no evidence that welfare schemes and/or freebies decisively impacted results anywhere this time. It’s not that low-income voters don’t like schemes and free stuff, it’s just that once assured of delivery, more of the same gives diminishing political returns to parties. A party without promises like these would surely suffer. But when every party promises variations of the same, no one party gains substantially.

POLITICAL WASHING MACHINES DON’T ALWAYS SELL

BJP made great play of the fact that numerous opposition leaders were under corruption investigations. Two problems. One, many voters thought investigative agencies were being used in a partisan fashion by BJP’s govt. Second, voters also noticed that BJP, for all its talk on being an staunch enemy of corruption, had no problem welcoming politicians whose CVs were dominated by graft charges. That many defectors to BJP failed to win their seats is one indication that BJP’s anti-corruption rhetoric didn’t convince enough voters in states where they lost out most. Maharashtra and Bengal results best exemplified this.

DON’T MAKE BIG PLANS BEFORE YOU KNOW THE RESULTS

BJP heavyweights made big statements about what their govt would do once voted back to power with a majority — uniform civil code and one nation/one poll were the two big items on a future agenda. With BJP short of a majority and the opposition charged up, it can be safely assumed neither is happening anytime soon. Even for legally mandated delimitation, BJP will find the going difficult. One ally, Nitish in populous Bihar, would want it. Another ally, Naidu, from the South, wouldn’t want it.

WHATSAPP ELECTION TO YOUTUBE ELECTION

Social media, of course, played a big role in every party’s campaign. But it wasn’t hundreds of campaign messages in their phones that voters were hooked on. It was hundreds of videos. YouTubers, some of them with a backup team, some lone rangers, some for BJP, and, crucially, some for opposition, were the big hit in these polls. BJP’s overwhelming presence on news TV, which went live almost every time the party’s brass was holding a rally, was countered by anti-BJP YouTubers.

EXIT POLLSTERS HEAD FOR THE EXIT

Almost every exit poll run by news TV channels gave BJP a majority bigger than 2019’s and NDA a larger number of seats. Axis My India, on India Today, predicted 401 seats for NDA as the outer limit. That its head, Pradeep Gupta, broke down on live television said it all about what actual results did to the credibility of pollsters. Psephologists can get it wrong, of course. But when so many exit polls get it so spectacularly wrong, serious questions about methodology are bound to come up. News TV channels who ran these exit polls perhaps should do their own introspection.

AGNIVEER TRIPPED UP NOT JUST MANY YOUNG ASPIRANTS BUT ALSO PROVED A HURDLE FOR BJP IN HARYANA, PUNJAB

CONSTITUTION BECAME KEY TO CONG NARRATIVE

How small drop in BJP vote share led to big dent in tally

T EAM TOI

BJP saw its national vote share fall marginally from 37.3% in 2019 to 36.6% in 2024, but its seat tally dropped by 63 from 303 to 240, putting it well below the halfway mark. In contrast, Congress raised its vote share a bit from 19.5% last time to 21.2%, but that was enough to nearly double its seat tally from 52 to 99.

How could such minor changes in vote share have caused such a large variation in seat tallies? That’s because the national vote share is an aggregation of states, and a party may gain vote share in a state where it is starting from such a low base that adding votes doesn’t translate into winning seats while losing the same amount in a highly competitive state could cost many seats.

That is precisely what happened to BJP this time. For instance, its vote share in Tamil Nadu rose from 3.6% in 2019 to 11.2% this time, but that added nothing to its seat tally. Similarly, it went from 9.6% to 18.6% in Punjab, but in the absence of any alliance, that was not enough to win any seats, so it ended up losing the two it had.

On the other hand, a drop of about three percentage points in Bihar, from 23.6% to 20.5%, cost it five seats, while a drop of a mere 1.6 percentage points in West Bengal meant it dropped six seats.

The most dramatic instance, however, was in Maharashtra, where BJP’s share dropped by just 1.4 percentage points from 27.6% to 26.2%, but that led to its winning less than half the seats it had last time (10 versus 23).

Congress presented almost a mirror image of this. In Maharashtra, a rise in vote share of less than one percentage point, from 16.3% to 17.1%, saw its seat tally jump from one to 13. In Rajasthan, it upped its vote share from 34.2% to 37.9%, and that meant winning eight seats instead of none. In UP, a rise in vote share from 6.3% to 9.5% saw its seat tally go from one to six.

The third largest party, SP, achieved its highest tally ever of 37 in the Lok Sabha by significantly raising its vote share from 18% to 33.5%. Combined with Congress’ 9.5%, the INDIA bloc in the state had a 43% vote share, making it a neck-and-neck battle with the NDA. Last time, the SP-BSP combine’s 37.3% was a far cry from the NDA’s 50%-plus vote share. It’s this dramatic closing of the gap, which few had anticipated in the absence of BSP from the opposition alliance, that was the game changer in UP.

Where contests were direct, victory margins were the narrowest

CLOSE CALL: Ravindra Waikar

T EAM TOI

The average margin of victory in 2024 Lok Sabha polls was about 1.6 lakh votes, but that varied significantly across states. Not surprisingly, those that were dominated by a single party or alliance saw the highest average margins while states that saw two alliances or parties going toe to toe had significantly narrower margins of victory on average.

The highest average margin among states with five or more seats was in Madhya Pradesh, where BJP made a clean sweep, at about 3.4 lakh. This was followed by Gujarat, another state with a near total saffron sweep (almost 2.8 lakh) and Uttarakhand (2.3 lakh). On the flip side, Tamil Nadu, which saw a clean sweep by the DMK led alliance, also had margins averaging 2.2 lakh.

At the other end of the spectrum, Punjab had an average margin of just about 70,500. In UP, which saw a fierce battle between NDA and INDIA alliance, margins were on average under a lakh while Bihar and Maharashtra too were just over a lakh.

Odisha was an interesting outlier. While the seat tally would indicate that it was a one-way street with BJP winning 20 of the 21 seats, the average margin was a little over a lakh, on the lower side among the larger states, suggesting that the contests were closer than the seat tallies would make us believe.

The highest margin was in Dhubri in Assam, where Rakibul Hussain of the Congress polled nearly 14.7 lakh votes and beat Mohammed Badruddin Ajmal of the AIUDF by over 10 lakh votes, a new record. The lowest margin of a mere 48 votes was in Mumbai North West where a battle between the two Sena factions saw the Shinde group’s candidate Ravindra Waikar just pip the UBT group’s Amol Kirtikar at the post.

Why high GDP growth did not fetch BJP electoral gains

T EAM TOI

An economy that grew 8.2% in 2023-24, following two years of high growth, would normally have been seen as an electoral asset for an incumbent govt. Not only should a majority of people have seen a rise in living standards, but the ruling party would have made it a central campaign plank. Neither of those things happened. Reason: India is facing a jobs crisis, which sharpened the bite of rising prices.

Plenty of signs showed that the inadequacy of decent jobs was a potent issue. It shouldn’t have come as a surprise because official data showed that while GDP, or economic output, bounced back quickly after Covid, it wasn’t accompanied by commensurate growth in better quality formal jobs.

The single biggest indicator of the absence of enough job openings is the increase in the number of people classified as self-employed. In India, the high proportion of self-employed is an indicator of the weak link between GDP growth and the creation of formal jobs.

The number of self-employed people in every 100 Indians in the workforce increased between 2020 and 2021. In 2022-23, not only were 57.3% of people self-employed, but about 18.3% of them were unpaid workers in household enterprises. The number has grown at work but without pay since the pandemic, showing that a sizable number of people did not gain from the GDP growth. Not just that, almost 46 of every 100 Indians working in 2022-23 were in agriculture, a level that was higher than the year before Covid.

The absence of openings meant many who returned home to villages during lockdowns couldn’t return. Agriculture is the lowest-paying and most precarious sector.

A look at swathes of India where BJP lost seats, eastern UP, north Karnataka, and east Maharashtra, all poorer parts of their states, indicates that the GDP trajectory bypassed many. With stagnant incomes, the impact of inflation was aggravated even if it was not high by historical standards.

‘Wild card’ entry: Samvidhan bachao narrative strikes chord with voters

SAVING THE SPIRIT OF AMBEDKAR’S VISION

TEAM TOI

The C-word was a ‘wild card’ entry, but at several stages of the election campaign, the Samvidhan overshadowed the regular cast of issues. Opposition was first on the draw, cleverly painting BJP’s 400-paar target as a dark plot to scrap reservations by changing the Constitution. The charge blended well with Rahul Gandhi’s declared intent of posing a phalanx of Muslims/OBCs/Dalits against a handful of the privileged (read upper castes/middle classes).

PM Narendra Modi launched his counter-offensive by saying it was Congress and its allies who were guilty of subverting the Constitution by extending reservations to Muslims even though faith-based quotas were not allowed.

He also dared Rahul, who would dramatically bran- dish a copy of the Constitution at his election rallies, to promise in writing that they would never attempt a Muslim quota again.

As the animated duel progressed, the Constitution became a talking point. This was the first time — with the possible exception of the 1977 election which, in the North, turned into a referendum on Indira Gandhi’s suspension of democracy — that the Constitution had found itself in the poll arena. After the results were declared, Rahul brought up the C-word again. “The fight was to save the Constitution. We were sure that the citizens of India would make attempts to guard it and I would like to thank everyone,” he said.

Despite the sparring, there is no evidence to suggest that BJP indeed wanted to amend the Constitution. It has carved out a significant following among Dalits and OBCs, and it would be political harakiri to offend them. It is true that some in the larger Sangh Parivar consider the 42nd amendment, which inserted ‘secularism’ and ‘socialism’ in the Preamble during the Emergency, illegal, but there are no indications that the unease is shared by the BJP leadership. They would also not like to reinforce adverse perceptions at home and abroad by messing with something that has not been a deterrent in the implementation of its agenda — especially since the gap between ‘letter’ and ‘spirit’ can be creatively bridged.

Minority community plays major role in SP & Trinamool seat surge

CONSOLIDATION COUNTS

T EAM TOI

A significant portion of the INDIA bloc’s success rests on Muslims, who voted decisively against BJP and formed a coalition with backward castes and Dalits. This restricted BJP from getting a clear majority while giving Samajwadi Party in UP and TMC in West Bengal a clear advantage.

Academics say that this is due to the combination of BJP’s failed outreach towards the Pasmandas (the most socially and economically backward among Muslims) and a pushback to the antiMuslim rhetoric during the election campaign. However, the most significant factor that enabled the backwardMuslim combine was BJP’s announcement that Muslim reservation within the OBC quota would be removed.

While the BJP campaign kickstarted with ‘Viksit Bharat’, or an agenda for development, the discourse deteriorated soon after the first phase. Referring to PM Modi’s Pasmanda outreach as “doublespeak”, Prof Khalid Anis Ansari, a sociologist with Azim Premiji University, said, “In one speech, he would speak about Pasmandas and then call Muslims infiltrators in another speech.”

Modi accused TMCof appeasing the “Muslim vote bank” and targeted Congress, saying they would seize Hindu property to redistribute it to Muslims, accusing them of “politics of appeasement.” BJP also accused ex-PM Manmohan Singh of saying that Muslims had the first right to the country’s resources.

Backed into a corner, Muslims chose to vote strategically with winnability in mind. In 2019, BJP got 6% of the Muslim vote, which has decreased significantly, said CSDS associate professor Hilal Ahmed. “The election saw a smoother transfer of votes between Muslims to backward caste candidates with the bulk of the Muslim candidates of SP and Congress winning in UP,” says Asim Ali, a political researcher at the Centre for Policy Research.

In direct contests, SP’s Mohibbullah won against BJP’s Ghanshyam Singh Lodhi in Rampur, while Iqra Choudhary from Kairana and Afzal Ansari from Ghazipur also registered wins.

In West Bengal, TMC’s Yusuf Pathan defeated Congress veteran and five time MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. The Muslim vote did not split towards the Left and Congress in West Bengal and to BSP in UP, as was expected by some.

This is significant, considering that the number of Muslim candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha poll has declined. BJP fielded the sole Muslim candidate, Abdus Salam, from Kerala’s Malappuram, while its ally JD(U) in Bihar gave two tickets to two candidates. Among opposition parties, too, the representation of the community has fallen.

The question of citizenship and the fear that the Muslim quota already existing at a state level in Kerala, Karnataka, and Telangana could be removed if BJP were to win 400 seats appear to have strengthened the Muslim vote. TMC used HC decision to scrap OBC certificates to considerable advantage.

Mandal momentum shakes up Hindutva juggernaut

DUO CASTE WIDER NET

Subodh.Ghildiyal@timesgroup.com

Lok Sabha elections saw a decisive win for a caste focused coalition in UP, reshaping the political landscape. This shift from religious to caste-based campaigning highlighted a significant change in voter priorities. The opposition alliance, led by SP chief Akhilesh Yadav, ran on a platform of caste census and constitutional protections, appealing primarily to Dalits and OBCs. In contrast, PM Modi’s campaign centred around religious themes.

The SP-Congress coalition’s win is part of a broader national trend. In Maharashtra, Congress, along with NCP and Shiv Sena, capitalised on Maratha stir and rural distress among OBCs, moving away from traditional leadership by appointing Nana Patole as party chief.

Meanwhile, DMK in Tamil Nadu emphasised social justice and countered BJP’s Hindutva narrative, framing the contest as a battle between caste and communalism. In Bihar, despite BJP’s alliance with JD(U), which focuses on caste politics, the RJD-Congress’s OBC-centric approach proved formidable. The JMMCongress opposition also held its ground in Jharkhand by appealing to tribals and backward communities.

UP, however, remained the epicentre of the classic ‘Mandal vs Kamandal’ struggle, reminiscent of the late 1980s when Mandal politics and the Rath Yatra brought leaders like Kalyan Singh and Mulayam Singh Yadav to the forefront. BJP’s dominance, propelled by Modi’s hardline Hindutva since 2014, had previously eclipsed both SP and BSP. BJP’s strategy combined religious appeal with targeted outreach to non-Yadav OBCs, undermining SP’s sup- port base and taking advantage of BSP’s decline.

After a decade of BJP’s reign, Akhilesh revitalised his father Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Mandalite approach, presenting himself as a youth leader advocating for backward classes, Dalits, and minorities. Congress supported this strategy, promoting a caste census and challenging the 50% quota ceiling. INDIA bloc framed the election as a fight to protect Ambedkar’s Constitution, appealing to floating BSP voters. Modi responded with a vigorous campaign, accusing the opposition of intending to divert SC/ST/OBC quotas to Muslims. Despite these efforts, the elections mirrored the 1989 scenario, with caste politics again taking centre stage.

Over the years, many predicted the demise of caste based politics in favour of economic and religious divisions. BJP was often seen as transcending caste dynamics through its religious appeal. However, these predictions underestimated the enduring significance of caste identities and their potential to reassert themselves within the political landscape.

No farewell to welfare: BJP may loosen purse strings

T EAM TOI

For years, PM Modi has taken a stand against rewdis. Even in the runup to polls, ‘Modi ki Guarantee’, BJP’s manifesto, stayed clear of promises of assured pension for govt staff or restoration of rail concessions for seniors.This contrasted with Congress’s moves to announce annual doles of Rs 1 lakh for women and education and farm loan waivers.

Even after Tuesday’s result, which points to Modi for the first time leading a govt without an absolute majority, it is not as if there will be a Uturn. After all, Modi had refused to give free electricity as Gujarat CM. However, the reluctance to open purse strings is expected to be far less, more so because demands are going to rise from voters, NDA allies.

The approach will remain calibrated. So, BJP and its allies, while steering clear of guaranteeing MSP for farmers or reworking the formula, will be more generous in increasing the price. Besides, the Centre, which was reluctant to increase the PM-KISAN annual payout from Rs 6,000 announced five years ago, will be more open to it.

Ahead of polls, Modi govt focused on filling up vacancies in govt. That’s something that is expected to get a fillip given that jobs have been a key poll issue. The Union Budget, which is expected in midJuly, will lay out the roadmap.

Man With Modified Mandate

In a waveless election, 400-paar proved to be an unrealistic target. But while the Teesri Manzil has many challenges ahead such as fickle allies, Modi is no stranger to pressure

Modi is not alien to struggle. He has negotiated several obstacles and despite the apparent diminution, he will be tackling a third term with strengths few others can boast of

Team TOI

In their post-results comments, opposition leaders — from Rahul Gandhi to Mamata Banerjee — described BJP’s failure to score a majority of its own as PM Narendra Modi’s defeat. This was to be expected, considering that the entire NDA’s campaign (TDP being a partial exception), was framed around him. His energetic campaign only served to enhance his personal liability. But while results clearly suggest that the law of politics has caught up with him, he has still pulled off a feat which most incumbents in democracy can only dream of.

Modi is going to be only the second PM after Jawaharlal Nehru to have secured a third term. In fact, his achievement may be considered even bigger because it comes in a political milieu that is polarised, fragmented and far more competitive than the one Nehru had to reckon with. Moreover, Nehru also had the advantage of having been blessed by none other than Mahatma Gandhi, and being leader of a party that basked in the glow of being the vanguard of the freedom movement. In contrast, Modi arrived as dissent; a challenger to the mainstream.

Coming back to 2024, while the tally of 243 looks like a nosedive both from the standards of the 400-paar campaign as well as the widely held perception of the polls being a no-contest, this is the best to have been posted by any non-BJP party since 1984 when Congress rode the massive sympathy wave generated by Indira Gandhi’s assassination.

However, the setback has brought to fore issues like price rise and unemployment which emerged as warning signs during the campaign but were seen as minor irritants because of the as- sumption, wrong and smug as it turned out to be, that an absolute majority was already in the bag. Although Modi did a good job of containing inflation, the assumption that voters would go only by the sincerity of intent, while also taking into account the international pattern of runaway inflation, turned out to be wrong.

Modi pushed for expansion of public infrastructure and generation of employment in the informal sector. The calculation that this, along with the post-Covid push for filling up vacancies in central govt jobs, would help assuage the concern about jobs did not come to pass.

The retention of sitting BJP MPs, despite internal surveys and cadre feedback flagging their unpopularity, was another big and avoidable mistake.

The 400+ target, which was supposed to convey strength and self- assuredness, also boomeranged, with the opposition saying this was part of a design to change the Constitution and scrap quotas.

The counter-manoeuvre by Modi in the form of an aggressive pitch against Muslim quota did not work as Hindus voted along caste lines. If anything, it gave an opening to his opponents to renew the charge that he was divisive and desperate. This may have caused consternation to the moderates among his supporters.

The resultant reduction in seats has turned the third term into a challenge. Apart from a stronger opposition which is going to be more aggressive, Modi also has to contend with allies like N Chan- drababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar, who are not in sync with the themes on BJP’s agenda and may act as restraint. At the same time, RSS will also be keeping a wary eye on how he deals with pressure from allies.

But Modi is not alien to struggles. His career is essentially that of negotiating challenges and taking them on at the opportune moment. And, despite the apparent diminution, he will be approaching one with strengths that few can boast of. BJP’s numbers, although reduced, are also a testimony to the goodwill and credibility he enjoys in an age when loyalties are shortlived and fleeting, and goodwill evaporates in the heat of ever-escalating expectations. This is the main reason why BJP could survive the ‘caste’ and ‘consolidation’ card played so adroitly by the opposition. His credentials as a ‘staunch nationalist’ are considered beyond reproach, and the massive upgrade of public infrastructure that happened under his leadership is a lived and real experience that may be appreciated again now that resentments have been vented. The robust exchequer is going to be a strength. Addressing the concerns of Dalits and OBCs cannot be beyond a leader and a party which has been more sensitive to caste sentiments than the older BJP.

The third term is going to be his legacy term, and Modi will leave no stone unturned to ensure it is remembered for accomplishments rather than as a weak arrangement. Going by his track record, he may not like to let the challenges become an alibi for non-performance, and a stint which dwarfs the memory of his achievements in the first two terms. Conclusions about decline may yet turn out to be premature.6

Not so ‘Upyogi’? Results reversal comes as reality check for UP CM

Since Yogi had been credited with earlier victories, he will have to take responsibility for the dismal show. But he cannot be made a scapegoat either

TARNISHED HALO? Though he had little say in candidate selection, the lack of trust of minorities in his govt played a role in the loss

Team TOI

The setback that BJP has received in UP, has come as a stunning reality check for Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. The Yogi factor — a combination of strong law and order, development and aggressive Hindutva — which was a strong pitch used by BJP in addition to the Modi factor appeared to find resonance on the ground during the campaign. But the ‘double engine’ faltered this time around and SP chief Akhilesh Yadav’s catchphrase ‘PDA’ targeting Picchade (backwards), Dalits and Alpsankhyak (minorities) had a deeper connect with voters, especially Dalits and backwards.

Yogi has spearheaded BJP’s consecutive victories in five back-to-back elections in the state — 2017 and 2022 state polls, 2019 Lok Sabha elections and two local body polls before the reversal of the trend. “Since Yogi had been credited with the wins, he will have to take the responsibility for the dismal show also,” says a political observer, adding “but he cannot be made a scapegoat.”

The selection of candidates was done ignoring anti-incumbency and brewing resentment against them and has emerged as one of the main reasons for the loss. A party insider said that Yogi stands clear as the candidate selection responsibility rested with the central leadership.

“Yogi is seen as a saviour for BJP. He had no say in the selection of candidates. Those who won despite the brewing anger against them will definitely credit Yogi’s contribution along with the Modi factor when they introspect the reasons for their success,” he added.

In every election rally that he addressed in UP this time, PM Narendra Modi not only praised the Yogi model of law and order that prepared a conducive atmosphere for investment in the state, but also highlighted his development initiatives.

In his quest to get improved numbers, he knows which is the most crucial “engine” he could have banked on. “However, this “double engine” narrative failed to attract voters in the state. This could be because it is a muchflogged slogan and Yogi has reached the halfway mark of the second term of his govt,” says another analyst.

To his credit, he was one of the most sought-after campaigners for the party, having addressed nearly 170 rallies — not only in UP but also outside. Before that, he had already visited all 75 districts. But it clearly was not enough and his position in the party’s top echelon will take a beating. The extent could be a matter of debate.

However, the narrative set by Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal in the middle of the campaign is back in discussion. While addressing rallies, Kejriwal claimed that after BJP’s win, Yogi will be removed like several other BJP CMs. According to UP watchers, the Delhi CM tried to create a fake narrative that all was not well within the BJP and the top leadership was wary of Yogi because of his growing popularity and it might have impacted a section of voters.

“Although he was playing on Yo- gi’s popularity, giving a message to the latter’s admirers and voters that if you vote for the saffron party, your ‘favourite’ CM would be dispensed with, BJP came out with a rebuttal. However, with BJP losing ground in these polls, this narrative is bound to return to haunt the party,” says a BJP insider.

His name also came up during discussions around Thakur protests during the election. The hype around the protest likely affected the party’s prospects, especially in the first two rounds. “But he was not alone. UP BJP’s inability to assess the intensity of the protest will also be discussed in the same breath,” the analyst says and adds it was because of Yogi that the extent of damage was curtailed. Seats won by BJP do reflect the same, he further says.

While Yogi is in the third year of his second tenure and his welfare measures have reached the last strata of the society, his govt is yet to earn the trust of the minority community, as apparent from the voting pattern. “This would be a task cut out for his govt to bridge that gap,” says a political analyst.

However, while making the governance more robust, the Yogi govt must be wary of its image as being “over-dependent” on bureaucracy. “Ignoring party workers and people’s representatives was a reason quoted for the lack of enthusiasm among party cadre,” he adds.

Himanta: Will N-E star campaigner lose sheen?

FUTURE TENSE? Setbacks in his backyard raise questions

Prabin Kalita@timesgroup.com

Lok Sabha election results present a complex picture for Himanta Biswa Sarma, Assam chief minister and key architect of BJP’s vision in the North-East.

Despite his significant role in BJP’s national campaigns, the party’s and NDA’s performance in the North-East, especially in Manipur, raise questions about his future trajectory. In his home state of Assam, the party retained the same tally as 2019 but failed to improve its performance.

While Sarma wasn’t directly involved in campaigning in the North-East, except Assam, the region’s electoral outcomes now raise questions about his ability to deliver in his own backyard.

BJP’s decision to deploy Sarma outside the region, leaving the regional leadership to manage their own campaigns, can be interpreted as a strategic move to utilise his skills on a national platform, potentially grooming him for a larger role within the party. Conversely, it could also suggest a deliberate distancing from the complexities of the North-East, especially given the sensitive political climate and BJP’s mixed record in the region.

This can be a crucial juncture in Sarma’s political future. While his national profile within BJP has undoubtedly risen, the party’s setbacks, especially in Manipur, might lead to a reassessment of his influence and standing within the party. Whether the central leadership continues to repose the same level of trust in him, and how they choose to utilize his political capital in the future, remains to be seen.

Sarma’s political journey started with the Congress party. However, he lost his first assembly election in 1996. But that did not obstruct his quick rise through the ranks, holding important ministerial portfolios in the Assam government. Recognising the shifting political winds, he made a decisive move to the BJP in 2015, a decision that proved instrumental in the party’s historic victory in Assam the following year.

In the run-up to the 2016 Assam assembly elections, Sarma proved his mettle as BJP’s most dependable backroom strategist. His deft maneuvering facilitated the defection of nine Congress MLAs to BJP, providing a significant boost to the party’s prospects. This strategic move paid dividends, as BJP tasted its first electoral victory in Assam, a state long considered a Congress bastion.

Recognising Sarma’s contributions, then BJP president Amit Shah entrusted him with the pivotal role of convenor of the newly formed North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA). This miniature version of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) brought together almost all the regional parties of the North-East under a unified umbrella, solidifying the BJP’s foothold in the region.

Sarma’s strategic prowess continued to bear fruit as BJP secured the defection of 43 Congress MLAs in Arunachal Pradesh, paving way for formation of the party’s government in the state. This remarkable feat was followed by BJP’s first government in Manipur and historic ousting of the formidable Left Front in Tripura, a state where they had held sway for decades.

A wave of political change swept across North-East, with Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram also witnessing the formation of NEDA/NDA

governments.

However, now there are new twists to this success story.

Faizabad: Mandir no guarantee of mandate

TEMPLE RUN

TEAM TOI

The construction of Ram temple and BJP’s campaign around consecration of Ram Lalla’s idol in Jan, just months ahead of Lok Sabha polls, did not reap the dividends that the party had hoped for.

BJP stalwart Lallu Singh failed to win Faizabad, the parliamentary constituency of which Ayodhya is a part, against Samajwadi Party’s Awadesh Prasad, who won by a margin of over 54,000 votes.

Prasad, a nine-time MLA and one of the founding members of SP, was locked in a close fight with two-time MP Lallu Singh till Tuesday afternoon as votes were counted.

It was from 1.30pm that Prasad’s lead kept inching upwards, before he was announced as the winner. While Prasad reached the counting venue after offering prayers at Hanumangarhi temple, Lallu Singh did not turn up at all.

A Dalit candidate, Prasad was fielded by Samajwadi Party on a general seat. The party’s gamble paid off as over 2.5 lakh Passis in the constituency appear to have backed him.

The saffron camp lost all four other Lok Sabha constituencies in the Ayodhya division — Ambedkarnagar, Barabanki, Sultanpur and Amethi.

In Barabanki, voters elected Congress candidate Tanuj Punia, while SP’s Lalji Verma, a seasoned politician, won from Ambedkarnagar.

A big upset came in Sultanpur, where BJP’s senior parliamentarian Maneka Gandhi lost to SP’s Rambhual Nishad. And in Amethi, Union women and child development minister Smriti Irani lost to debutant and Gandhi family loyalist Kishori Lal Sharma.

BJP had won Barabanki, Faizabad and Sultanpur seats in 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections. BSP’s Ritesh Pandey had held Ambedkarnagar in the 2019 polls. This time, Pandey fought from the seat as a BJP candidate but lost to Verma by over 1.37 lakh votes.

Not Keeping Ear To The Ground Hurt BJP

SWEEPING PROBLEMS UNDER THE CARPET

Akhilesh.Singh@timesgroup.com

Buoyed by the successful delivery of its poll promises in the past ten years, BJP approached the 2024 Lok Sabha elections as a no-contest but ended up committing mistakes like repeating incumbent MPs despite adverse ground feedback against them and also roping in candidates from different parties disregarding cadres’ sentiment, leading to indifference from them.

Unlike the usual practice — a successful one — of replacing sitting MPs to contain local anti-incumbency, the party brass repeated most candidates, which is seen as a critical contributor to the defeat of many of them, mainly in Uttar Pradesh, where the party had the most at stake and was expecting to make gains since SP and BSP were contesting separately. Also going for the party was the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya, and the ‘law and order’ plank of the Yogi Adityanath govt was expected to work in its favour.

The drafting of ‘outsiders’, many of them ‘tainted’, resulted in the ‘anti-corruption’ plank losing its sheen without bringing in compensatory advantages.

While the opposition inflicted severe damage in UP by using the caste card to thwart the growing consolidation of Hindus, BJP took time to respond to signs of unease among influential communities like Jats, Meenas and the Rajputs.

The claim of opposition parties that Yogi Adityanath would be replaced as Uttar Pradesh chief minister add- ed to an avoidable problem. Besides, there were reports of poor coordination within the party organisation over the selection of candidates. Differences among party leaders over alliances with local outfits like Suheldev Bha- ratiya Samaj Party in eastern UP were a known secret.

There were reports that a section of RSS was unhappy at how tickets were distributed and ‘outsiders’ were given preference while ignoring old party cadres, taking away the advantage the saffron party has enjoyed over grassroots Sangh volunteers handling ‘door-to-door’ part of the campaign. BJP president J P Nadda’s alleged statement on ties with RSS — “we have grown more capable” — coming ahead of the fifth phase seems to have done further damage even as the party chief clarified that he was “misquoted”.

The damage could have been more severe if the leadership had not taken a few ‘unexpected’ calls, such as shedding ‘frenemy’ fights with regional parties like YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh and Biju Janata Dal in Odisha; both decisions delivered dividends for the party and helped it retain its position as the single largest party, which makes it the first claimant to form the govt. It responded positively to Nitish Kumar when he wanted to return to NDA and, as a result, could blunt the ‘caste card’ that worked to its disadvantage in Uttar Pradesh.

After several rounds of meetings, BJP succeeded in forging an alliance with Telugu Desam Party (TDP) at the cost of its arrangement with YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh. The coalition swept both LS and assembly polls in the state.

The party brass took a different stand in Odisha and emerged as the key chal- lenger to the hegemony of Biju Janata Dal chief Naveen Patnaik as the saffron party gained a majority in state polls and a landslide in Lok Sabha elections, winning 19 out of 21 seats there.

Another ‘course correction’ after the debacle in the Karnataka assembly elections was reinstating veteran leader B S Yediyurappa as the party won 19 seats despite a rout in the state polls just a few months ago. Following Yediyurappa’s removal as Karnataka chief minister, there was dissent and dissatisfaction within the party. However, his son Vijayendra’s appointment as state unit president in Nov last year significantly addressed any reservations while the tie-up with JD(S) turned out to be valuable.

Smriti, 6 ministers lose in UP; victory margins fall for others

Neha.Lalchandani@timesgroup.com

Of the 12 Union ministers who contested from UP, only five, including PM Narendra Modi (Varanasi) and defence minister Rajnath Singh (Lucknow), managed to save their seats.

Dubbed a “giant slayer” for defeating Rahul Gandhi in Amethi in 2019, Union minister Smriti Irani (women and child development) lost the seat to Gandhi family loyalist Kishori L Sharma by 1.6 lakh votes. Ajay Mishra Teni (MoS, home), whose son allegedly mowed down four farmers in Lakhimpur during the farm laws protest, failed to win a third term, losing by 33,000 votes. Other portfolioholders failing to retain their seats are MoS for MSME Bhanu Singh Verma, who lost from Jalaun by 51,000 votes; Mahendra Nath Pandey (heavy industries) lost from Chandauli by 14,000; Sanjeev Balyan (MoS, agriculture) lost from Muzaffarnagar by 12,000 votes; Kaushal Kishore (urban development) lost from Mohanlalganj by 84,000 votes and Sadhvi Niranjan Jyoti (MoS, rural development) lost Fatehpur by 35,000 votes.

Ministers who won also saw their margins slide. Modi, who won by 4.8 lakh votes in 2019, defeated Congress state chief Ajay Rai by 1.5 lakh this year. Rajnath’s margin reduced to 70,000 against 3.5 lakh in 2019. Pankaj Chaudhary (MoS, finance) retained Maharajganj with a margin of 35,000 against 3.4 lakh in 2019. Anupriya Patel (MoS, commerce and industry) of NDA ally Apna Dal (S) won with 46,000 votes against 2.3 lakh in 2019. The only mantri who bettered his 2019 margin was SP Singh Baghel (MoS, health), who won Agra with a gap of 2.2 lakh votes.

Saffron citadels breached as INDIA finds Uttar

Mohua.Chatterjee@timesgroup.com

Despite inroads in a few states, the resounding win that BJP was expecting to form a govt for a third term ran into obstacles in some of the party’s stronghold states.

The most brutal blow for BJP came from Uttar Pradesh, the state with most Lok Sabha constituencies (80). Here, the party managed to win just 33, a far cry from its 2019 tally of 62 seats in the state.

This dent ensured that BJP failed to get a majority on its own, so much so that PM Modi’s win margin in Varanasi fell to 1.5 lakh votes this time. His most-targeted rival, Rahul Gandhi, who lost his family citadel Amethi in 2019, pulled off a victory by a margin of 4.8 lakh votes in Rae Bareli — a statement that the opposition planned to bring home to BJP.

If UP, even after the highpitched Ram mandir inauguration, failed to vote overwhelmingly for BJP, it was Rajasthan — which overturned a Congress govt and brought BJP to office only last Nov — that refused to deliver 24 of the 25 seats for the saffron camp as it did in 2019. Congress snatched a big chunk of 11 seats, with BJP leading in 14.

Though opposition did not fare as well as it expected in Bihar, BJP lost five seats to INDIA bloc. The party retained all but one seat in Chhattisgarh, which has 11 LS seats. It maintained its number in Gujarat and improved its tally in MP, sweeping all 29 seats in the state, including Chhindwara this time (the constituency is a Kamal Nath bastion, and his son Nakul Nath won the seat for Congress in 2019).

Among its stronghold states, BJP’s ‘voterloo’ was Maharashtra in many ways. It was the state where BJP tried all its tricks to fell an elected Shiv Sena-CongressNCP govt, break Sena and NCP, and take some Congress functionaries for its own coalition. Voters avenged this backdoor govt by reducing BJP’s seats to ten from 23 in 2019.

This general election has ensured that BJP cannot form agovt by itself. It has to bank on pre-poll allies, and Modi must go with Nitish Kumar, Eknath Shinde and Chandrababu Naidu and others if he forms govt.

New territories help BJP compensate for losses

TEAM TOI

Having saturated its seat share in the party’s stronghold states in the north and west in 2019, BJP was looking to recover ground it could lose to 10 years of anti-incumbency from new territories. But its aggressive Mission South and East left it with both tangible and intangible gains.

First, the disappointment. BJP was unable to add more seats to its 2019 tally of 29 of the 130 Lok Sabha seats it won in Tamil Nadu, Puducherry, Kerala, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka in the results declared on Tuesday. However, it successfully carved out a new base for itself in the south beyond Karnataka among two Telugu states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. It has also debuted in Kerala by winning its first ever seat.

While it has shown that the four seats it won in Telangana in 2019 was not a chance occurrence, it has for the first time won three seats in Andhra Pradesh by tying up with the TDP, a party with which it had much bad blood over the past five years. Letting bygones be bygones has allowed it to break new ground. This ensured that the seats it lost in Karnataka were made up for from Telangana and AP.

In the east, West Bengal’s ruling Trinamool Congress dealt a blow to BJP’s plans of gaining beyond its 2019 tally of 18 and take it to 25-odd seats. TMC has wrestled six seats back from BJP and taken its own score to 29 LS seats.

The best news for BJP came in from Odisha, where the saffron party has swept the state by winning 19 of the 21 LS seats, reducing ruling BJD to just one seat, alongside overthrowing CM Naveen Patnaik’s five-term government in the state. BJP had won just eight seats in 2019.

3 reasons why tally halved in largest state

MISSED RED FLAGS?

Rajiv Srivastava & Pankaj Shah TNN

Lucknow: Since 2014, UP has stood out for BJP polls after polls. The politically crucial state stood out this time, too, but for INDIA bloc partners, Congress & Samajwadi Party.

While BJP registered its biggest loss in UP since 2014, Congress, with six seats, could sense its much-awaited revival in the state. Its ally SP could end up as the biggest gainer both in terms of number of seats, winning 35, and the vote share of around 33% from 18.11% in 2019. The biggest loser this time was the Mayawatiled BSP, which drew a blank and reached its lowest ebb as its vote share dipped to 9.3%.

BJP’s loss shows the loopholes it could not plug to retain the dominance it wielded since 2014. Analysts pointed out three factors that contributed to its poor performance in UP.

First, it could not counter the opposition’s narrative that BJP govt was bound to change the Constitution and scrap reservation benefits to OBC and SC/ST if it was re-elected. Sources said this narrative kept whirling at the ground despite the party brass’ concerted attempt to neutralise it.

“In their campaigns, PM Modi and Amit Shah kept assuaging the apprehensions stoked by opposition amongst the backward castes. Their efforts seem to have gone in vain,” said a BJP functionary.

Second, despite negative feedback from party workers, BJP could not gauge the antiincumbency against its MPs. It had initially decided to deny tickets to 30% of its incumbent MPs but ended up replac- ing only 14 sitting MPs. Protests by farmers and other sections of society amplified the anger against the party in many pockets of the state.

The third factor contributing to BJP’s loss was its failed attempt to blunt the minority aggression and its consolidation behind the opposition, primarily the SP-Congress alliance, which successfully dented its tally. Analysts said BJP was unable to polarise Hindu voters, who got divided on caste lines, despite its highpitched religious-cultural narrative centred around inauguration of Ram temple, renovation of Kashi Vishwanath Dham and aggressive perusal of the Krishna Janmabhoomi-Shahi Eidgah case.

Caste-based parties, which joined hands with BJP to forge “an invincible caste alliance”, did not tickle voters’ minds, who, at places, were fed up with ‘OBC vs upper caste’ narratives, primarily in eastern UP.

Spunky RaGa Gives Cong A Comeback Tune

Subodh.Ghildiyal@timesgroup.com

When, contrary to many pundits’ and its own expectations, Congress lost late-2023 assembly polls in the heartland, two things didn’t happen. One, Rahul Gandhi didn’t lose his temper. Two, he disagreed with party veterans like Ashok Gehlot who said BJP won by polarising voters. He had pointed out that in Rajasthan, for example, Congress vote share (40%) was just 2 percentage points behind BJP’s (42%). That’s not a sign of polarisation, Gandhi had said, that’s a sign of poor communication.

Four months later, that cool-headed analysis seems to have paid off. Gandhi had told Congress seniors that an Ayodhya-focussed BJP can be confronted, with a good agenda backed by better campaign.

The 2024 general elections did see Congress run a far better campaign – fronted by a calm, collected Rahul Gandhi. The change seems to have happened as he walked those miles, crisscrossing India during his Bharat Jodo Yatra.

The 2024 Congress story is a story of Rahul Gandhi’s evolution. The new Gandhi didn’t let Congress’s poor Lok Sabha numbers in 2014 and 2019 demoralise him. He didn’t let December 2023’s heartland losses break his heart. He didn’t let an aggressive Narendra Modi intimidate him. His party was in blue funk in December 2023. Congress’s 2024 strategy was predicated on wins in MP and Chhattisgarh and a close fight in Rajasthan. Anticipation of good results had even led to Congress deferring the orga- nisational restructuring by a year, and the defeats saddled it with serious holes in management of states close to polls.

But Rahul rallied his troops, ordered fresh strategising, and worked on a manifesto that went into the heart of the Congress’ UPA-era agenda of welfare-jobs-growth. If the manifesto struck a chord with voters, Congress owes much to Gandhi. He has been at the forefront of a “guarantees” based welfare policy and caste outreach, repeatedly arguing this was the only way to take on a no-holds-barred campaign of polarisation by BJP.

For Gandhi and the party, the stakes were clear. The Modi machine billed this general election as the ticket to Modi’s place in history. There was huge asymmetry in resources between Congress and BJP, blanket media coverage of Modi, arrests of opposition leaders, and income-tax action on Congress bank accounts. Post Ayodhya consecration, it looked like a one-party election.

Then came the poll schedule. A two-month, seven phase election seemed to favour Modi, who could campaign across the country, backed by a party flush with funds.

For Congress, the much talked about existential crisis seemed finally here.

Except for Rahul Gandhi. He persevered, held strategy sessions, and sharpened his ideas. The key idea: maximise gains in south, pick up seats in the north, and try breaking new ground in states that had gone barren after the advent of Modi. Seats Congress has won in the North — UP, Rajasthan, Haryana, Punjab — are a testament to a resilience that none but Gandhi believed in.

It was a methodical appro- ach. Few in the party wanted a East-West Bharat Jodo Yatra after the December state defeats, but the Gandhi scion had a plan. Strategists picked 100-plus districts and seats where they thought Congress stood a decent chance in general elections. Gandhi covered 110 districts across 15 states in 62 days. The joint shows with INDIA allies became a forerunner for a campaign of unity.

The approach was pragmatic. At the high table of Congress planning, Kharge and Gandhi were unanimous that the party had to strike compromises and ensure that the antiBJP alliance held firm. Congress contested 326 seats, the lowest in LS election history.

This was premised on one belief Rahul Gandhi had – that Modi had to be opposed and that the opposition can’t be a passive player or an occasional right-wing drumbeater out of fear of popular backlash, or stay on right side of what Congress sees as a vindictive prosecution machinery.

This was Gandhi’s strategy from Day 1 of the first Modi sarkar. He took a 55-day sabbatical to force Congress to toe his line. That led to public agitations against amendments to the Land Acquisition Act. That also made him one of the key players in getting Lalu Prasad to accept his nemesis Nitish as the face of the “mahagatbandhan’ that humbled BJP in Bihar in late 2015. There were a string of disappointments, especially the Pulwama-influenced 2019 elections. But later, working as the backroom strategist after Kharge’s elevation as party chief, he unfurled the Yatras and the agenda of pro-poor outreach and “mohabbat ki dukaan”. In these polls, Gandhi’s sharply ideological line paid dividends. Broken up opposition parties like Uddhav Sena and Sharad Pawar NCP, parties targeted by probe agencies, RJD, AAP and JMM, agreed to take Gandhi’s line – that standing for secularism, civil rights and the Constitution was the only counter in a Modi-dominated, Hindutva-laden political atmosphere. And INDIA’s campaign had the unmistakable imprint of Rahul Gandhi.

Caste census emerged from this thinking as a stick to beat BJP with, and Opposition targeted votes of three pan-India groups – Dalits, Muslims and OBCs. Inside his own par- ty, Gandhi’s “radical” positioning on secularism and reservations was doubted by many old timers schooled in centrist politics. But he pressed on.

He made mistakes. It was no surprise that when his “chowkidar chor hai” campaign backfired in 2019, he was the only one surprised in Congress. Others had foreseen the disaster the shrill pitch was inviting, given Pulwama and Balakot. His other mistakes: Rafale fizzled out during the 2019 campaign, and Pegasus petered out during Modi’s second term. Many asked him to be pragmatic. Not all govt transgressions and scandals, no matter how serious, resonated with the public, especially when BJP had systemic hegemony under a popular leader.

Reassessing, this time he continued his focus on Modi, but attacked him on governance “failures” – jobs, prices, unequal growth, small business ‘distress’, and social justice. National security, especially after Galwan, was a big issue for Gandhi, but the party didn’t highlight in its campaign. The “electoral bonds scam” was widely used, but only as a mood enhancer around the “panch nyay” hype.

The smart use of the campaigning trio of Kharge, Gandhi and Priyanka helped Congress match BJP’s firepower. Between them, they addressed 335 rallies and events.

But ultimately, it boiled down to communication with voters. By general reckoning, and with even rivals tipping their hat, Congress was at its smartest in the publicity game –short videos, wit over anger and outrage, targeting Modi on manifesto issues. They reminded many of the 2004 “aam aadmi” campaign. Door knocks, press conferences, nukkad sabhas were used for targeting voters at block and sub-district level. Gandhi’s own YouTube channel notched 35 crore views in 28 days till mid-May.

2024’s will go down as a rare election in contemporary times when a party fought an election on its manifesto, even delivering it to every household in a constituency.

It showed that voters can reward simple promises targeting basic needs even in times of polarisation and cult-style campaigns.

It showed this time Rahul Gandhi, fighting an aggressive right, had got in right.

108 rallies, Gandhi turf wins: Priyanka emerges as a star

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra addressed 108 rallies across the country, managed elections on the Gandhi family turf of Rae Bareli-Amethi, and struck a chord with voters that has reinforced her position as a star campaigner. The third Gandhi in politics has learnt fast and moved quickly. Though still to contest polls, the LS election is set to strengthen her position as a politician worthy of family name. Where she is seen to stand out is her ability to strike a personal touch with the audience. She, along with Sachin Pilot, Shashi Tharoor and Imran Pratapgarhi, was among key leaders in demand from states. Her equation with allies is another plus for Congress.

TNN

From ‘stop-gap chief’ to Cong’s Dalit face, Kharge gains heft

For the octogenarian Mallikarjun Kharge, who took over Congress presidency amid crisis and was widely viewed as a place-holder, the 2024 performance endows him with gravitas that removes doubts about his efficacy. The veteran addressed 100 rallies and brought credibility to Congress’s social justice platform as a Dalit. His cool approach in defusing crises in state factions ensured a united campaign. Another plus was his clout in his home state, as the party swept Hyderabad-Karnataka region largely because of him. With his experience and stature, Kharge ensured easy coordination with allies. Kharge is the man to watch out for in coming months and years.

TNN

Congress ticks right boxes, finds mojo for upcoming battles

TEAM TOI

For Congress foraging in the 50s in Lok Sabha over the last decade, the doubling of tally is a psychological victory. The decent score for the crisis-ridden party is seen as its revival, as it comes with appreciable performance in the north and the northeast.

The geographical advance was not anticipated in the election that came against the backdrop of the Ayodhya temple inauguration and the party’s woes of resource crunch and defections. The turnaround points to what it has managed to get right – policy, communication and leadership. These are the three fronts on which Congress would feel confident going forward.

It has cemented the leadership of the triumvirate of Mallikarjun Kharge-Rahul Gandhi-Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. In 2024 polls, they addressed 315 rallies, communicating with voters and taking on BJP.

Marginalised among the urban and upper caste demographics, Congress lurched towards a Mandalite reinvention, espousing causes like “caste census-50% ceiling removal”, along with an aggressive welfarist and secular outreach. Its decimation in the Dec assembly polls had raised doubts about the policy makeover’s efficacy. But LS results have restored its credibility, and Congress may have shed its policy confusion for good.

Also, the effective campaign, physical and virtual, has resolved another handicap. The party has been in search of the strategy to counter Modi’s hyper communication.

The decision of Sonia Gandhi, Kharge and Rahul to address the media early after the results showed the party is buoyed by its performance. The facts on the ground pointed to a crisis to be overcome, and not a war to be won.

Its biggest advantage has been the coming together of regional parties. With Maharashtra and Haryana polls four months away, Congress and allies would fancy their chances on the turfs BJP had come to own over the last decade.

The party is still to find an anti-dote to Modi’s national appeal, but it is set to draw confidence from the LS outcome that it is making progress.

Together they rose: INDIA proves bigger than sum of its parts

TEAM TOI

When BJP derided the coming together of opposition parties under INDIA last July as the banding of the “corrupt” against Modi, little did it realise that the 16 disparate and volatile satraps could forge a seamless coordination that would give NDA a run for its money.

Mandate2024, billed as Modi’s ticket to history, ended up becoming a challenge that stopped BJP short of majority and NDA of a big majority.

The SP-Congress tie-up in UP delivered a jolt bordering on embarrassment, while the MVA gave BJP a major shock. The JMM-Congress-CPI(ML)-RJD combo put up a good fight in Jharkhand despite its mascot, Hemant Soren, in prison. The same was true about NCCongress in J&K-Ladakh. If the list is long, it only under- scores the wide social net that INDIA weaved.

The pooling of bases with a joint campaign worked in ways best seen in contrast with 2022 UP assembly polls when Akhilesh had spurned Congress. SP fell way short as BJP romped home despite evidence of voter resentment. Forward to 2024. SP-Congress alliance fashioned a formidable social base. Rahul’s presence as the ideological bulwark against Modi ensured consolidation of antiBJP forces – backwards on social justice, Muslims on communalism and Dalits over “threat to Constitution”. The overlap of disparate agendas, helped by Congress’s own shift towards Mandalite politics, produced a social churn that BJP was not ready for.

Just how the word “gathbandhan” spread across the heartland, ensuring vote transfer among allies, is nothing short of a miracle. The big glue was Congress’s willingness to cede seats to allies that it would not have otherwise.

Even discordant notes helped. Congress and AAP refused to join hands in Punjab, realising that the top two players aligning would open space for BJP. In the end, BJP drew a cipher. Congress and Left stayed as traditional poles in Kerala, limiting a belligerent BJP. The only friction was in Bengal, where TMC refused to partner Congress despite entreaties. But the net big loser was BJP.

YouTubers earn eyeballs, give oppn a leg up

TEAM TOI

New Delhi: In previous national elections, BJP lorded over the social media space. In LS 2024, YouTubers played a significant role in snatching that space out of the saffron party’s grip, thereby improving Congress-led INDIA’s position. Anti-govt influencers earned eyeballs and shaped opinion, even attracting the attention of British weekly, The Economist. As per statista.com, India has 476m YouTube viewers.

Statistics shows Dhruv Rathee is the most viewed You- Tuber during this election. Rathee’s Modi: The Real Story alone garnered 27m views. Media commentator Sevanti Ninan describes him as “the big new phenomenon of these elections”. Media commentator and columnist Madhavan Narayanan says that YouTubers like him are often playing the role of what mainstream media ought to do: check facts, question self-contradictions and supply meaningful context and background.

“People seem to like them for their passion, informality and storytelling styles. News- related YouTubers are knowledge jockeys who have replaced staid or shrill TV anchors. I’ve no doubt this has reshaped opinion and media consumption among educated youths and middle classes,” he says.

Media commentator Vanita Kohli-Khandekar says national TV gratifies this audience and wonders why no news channel caters to all Indians or to a large section. “There is an information gap. And nature abhors a vacuum. WhatsApp, YouTube, Facebook, Reels and dozens of short video apps fill this gap. Some do a better job than others and therefore get more eyeballs,” she says.

Politicians have also sought out YouTube channels to connect with voters which enables them to sidestep the gatekeeping role of mainstream media, Ninan says. “There is a power shift happening within the media universe from companies to individuals,” she says.

The impact is noticeable. The govt aims to bring broadcast services, including OTT channels, within its ambit through the proposed Broadcast Services (Regulation) Bill, she says.

Akhilesh Takes A Step ‘Backward’ To Move Forward And Beyond MY

EXPANSION MODE: Akhilesh’s new-found ‘social engineering’ managed to win over Dalits in general and Jatavs in particular who were, till now, seen as traditional BSP voters

Pervez.Siddiqui@timesgroup.com

Lucknow: Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav had got off to a good start. His early emphasis on ‘Pichde (backward), Dalit, Alpasankhyak (minorities)’ was combined with a sharp focus on farmer issues, joblessness, paper leaks and rising prices. It turned out to be one of his best election strategies, backed by intelligent candidate selection.

The Samajwadi Party has impressively led the INDIA bloc charge in UP winning 37 of the 62 seats it contested, its best showing in the state in a general election. The PDA formulation, in particular, became a unifying force. The highlight of this newfound “social engineering” was that the party managed to win over Dalits in general and Jatavs in particular who were, till now, seen as traditional BSP voters.

This election has also shattered the hypothesis that Dalits and Yadavs can never unite in UP. As per caste assessments based on exit polls, 65% of Scheduled Caste votes polled went to the SP — an increase of 21% as compared to 2019 polls. Of these, 32% of Jatav votes polled went to SP though they have traditionally been committed voters of BSP. The shift was not only from the BSP to SP.

SP strategists insist that the jump in Dalit voters was more than what was visible in 2019 Lok Sabha polls. “In 2019, SP had contested elections in alliance with the BSP. So it was no surprise that Dalits voted for our party. This time we contested against BSP and got an overwhelming response from the Dalit community,” said a senior SP functionary.

Apart from the PDA pitch, Akhilesh succeeded in turning ‘Abki baar 400 paar’ into a ‘Save the Constitution’ narrative. He was among the first to say that the BJP wanted 400-plus seats to change the Constitution and end reservation for Dalits and backwards. This worked to bind together jobless youths and families from Dalit and backward segments.

Wooing Dalits & non-Yadav OBCs

After the 2019 LS alliance between SP and BSP, when Mayawati had walked away with 10 seats and Akhilesh was left with 5, it was evident that vote transfer between SP and its ally was a one-way street. The SP leadership felt cheated. Party strate- gists then shifted their focus to Dalit leaders with whom the party was already in touch.

Former BSP minister Ghura Ram, a founding member, was the first big dalit leader to switch loyalties to SP. Soon after, more joined Akhilesh. The SP did not only pick senior leaders. Regional coordinators, former ministers and other officebearers of BSP joined the exodus. Akhilesh made it a point to ensure that in press meets he was accompanied by Dalit leaders.

He decided to rope in non-Yadav OBCs as well. By Oct 2021, prominent backward BSP leaders like sitting MLAs Lalji Verma and Ramachal Rajbhar were with SP. The focus on non-Yadav OBCs was aptly reflected in the appointment of his party’s national executive in 2023. Of 62 members in the committee, around 40% were ‘non-Yadav’ OBCs and hailed from electorally influential communities like Kurmi, Rajbhar and Nishads. The list also included six members who were Dalits.

The blowback

As expected, the focus on Dalits and Non-Yadav OBCs left upper caste, Yadav and Muslim functionaries uncomfortable. Those eyeing tickets for 2024 Lok Sabha polls and those offered better deals by BJP were the first ones to snap. But that did not deter Akhilesh from giving tickets as per his PDA formula to all castes and communities.

At least 14 candidates were exBSP. In fact, Akhilesh shed the image of the SP being an M-Y party by giving the least number of tickets to Muslims and Yadavs in the party’s history. “Of course, it was all done after taking community leaders into confidence, explaining to them how a large number of Muslim and Yadav candidates help BJP’s bid for counter-polarisation,” said an analyst.

For SP strategists, the final highlight was a bunch of victories from unlikely quarters like Faizabad, which it had last won in 1998. “The victory of Awadesh Prasad and the tough fight that Sunita Verma put up against BJP is important as it exposes BJP’s attempt to use religion for political gains,” said a senior SP functionary. Two other important victories for SP came from Rampur and Moradabad—seats which have the maximum Muslim population.

Tejashwi leads charge on road to 2025 assembly polls

KEEPS LANTERN BURNING: Nitish’s about-turns have given Tejashwi an opportunity to emerge from the shadow of his father Lalu Prasad

Jainarain.Pandey@timesgroup.com

Patna: There was much at stake for the family of RJD chief Lalu Prasad in the Lok Sabha elections. His two daughters — Misa Bharti and Rohini Acharya – were contesting from Patliputra and Saran respectively, while younger son and political heir Tejashwi Prasad Yadav was leading the combined Opposition for the first time in a general election.

After drawing a blank in the 2019 LS polls, RJD has managed to claw back lost ground by winning 4 of the 26 seats it fought, including Patliputra where Misa contested. Tejashwi has now set the tone for the assembly elections due next year; the verdict makes it clear that he will be the opposition’s face for Bihar CM against Nitish Kumar or a BJP candidate. In all, the RJD member and his allies (Congress and CPI-ML) have won 9 of the total 40 seats.

Tejashwi has already had his share of ups and downs. After the 2015 state polls which RJD contested with JD(U), he became deputy CM. By sticking to an agenda of jobs, employment, education, and health, the 34-year-old Tejashwi generated a following among the youth. He largely succeed- ed in conveying the message that it was he who facilitated “5 lakh jobs in 17 months” as deputy CM of Bihar. Tejashwi did not resort to personal attacks on Nitish when he lost his job after the JD(U) veteran parted ways with RJD in Jan this year. Instead, by refusing to needle Nitish, Tejashwi kept observers guessing. He provoked speculation about Nitish’s plans when he said that “chacha” would take a big decision after the June 4 poll results. It forced Nitish to make it clear in his public meetings that he would never part ways with BJP.

Nitish’s about-turns have given Tejashwi an opportunity to emerge from the shadow of his father and RJD chief Lalu Prasad. He has established himself not only as the face of his party but also of the opposition bloc. The elections have also proved Tejashwi’s willingness to experiment by fielding candidates of castes other than those that traditionally dominate in a particular seat. He picked a Dalit candidate in a constituency meant for the general category. And he fielded Kushwaha candidates — who belong to Nitish’s caste — to dent the NDA vote bank. His ability to look beyond Lalu’s M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) formulation is expected to yield rich dividends in the long run.

Allies May Change, But Nitish Remains Axis Of Bihar Politics

SABKE SAATH: Nitish’s flip-flops had no impact on voters

Madan Kumar & Manoj Chaurasia TNN

Patna:Politics is a game of possibilities, and no one knows this better than Bihar CM Nitish Kumar who has ditched enough allies over the years. His spectacular performance in the Lok Sabha polls has once again ensured he remains the alliance’s face in Bihar till next year’s assembly polls. More so, because former deputy CM Sushil Kumar Modi’s untimely death has left BJP without a stalwart in the state.

BJP can, of course, campaign using PM Modi’s name, as it did in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, but given Nitish’s considerable support base among the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) and women — JD(U) has won 12 of the 16 seats it was allotted under the seat-sharing arrangement — it would not want to distance him.

The EBC category comprising 130 small caste groups like Dhanuks, Kumhars, Kahars, Noniyas, Kewats, Nais, Mallahs, Telis and Tatmas, makes up 36% of Bihar’s electorate, as per the recent caste survey. Along with this group, Nitish was backed by support from his Kurmi-Koeri (Kushwaha) community. Kurmis are 2.9% of Bihar’s electorate and Koeris 4.2%. The CM also benefitted from the Mahadalit category comprising 21 castes that he helped create. Mahadalits account for some 10% of the state’s total vote.

Women form another pillar of support: Nitish reserved 50% of slots in panchayati raj institutions, urban local bodies and teaching jobs for them. He gave 35% reservation to women in all govt jobs and 33% quota to girl students in medical, engineering and sports institutions. And the blanket ban on liquor in Bihar reduced domestic violence. It’s not surprising that he’s 3.6 crore women voters.

Also, vote transfer between BJP and JD(U) has never been an issue. NDA comprising BJP, JD(U), LJP (Ram Vilas), Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular), Rashtriya Lok Morcha appeared to be winning as many as 32 seats in the state and one of the main reasons is smooth transfer of votes among allies.

Nitish, who has been Bihar CM for more than 17 years and aUnion minister for more than six years, is known to nurse ambitions of holding a top national-level post: PM, prez or vice-prez. Last time he was in NDA (July 2017 to August 2022), he had wanted to succeed M Venkaiah Naidu as VP. The late Sushil Modi had revealed this and insiders say BJP’s denial of Nitish’s demand had precipitated his turn towards Mahagathbandhan. Again, in Mahagathbandhan, Nitish tried to bring the opposition together to oust PM Modi in 2024, hoping he would be appointed INDIA bloc’s convenor, and PM if the bloc succeeded. But when Congress disappointed him, he rushed into NDA’s embrace.

Given these facts, Nitish remains the “axis” of state politics. Strangely, his flipflops has had no impact on voters this time. JD(U) has got 18.50% votes in Bihar, only 2% less than BJP’s 20.53%.

Maya caught in her own jaal as Jatav voters shift loyalty

2014 REDUX: BSP failed to score any Lok Sabha seat wins

NehaShukla@timesgroup.com

Lucknow: A disastrous performance by Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is a sign that the party has lost its core Jatav voters, the subcaste its chief Mayawati belongs to.

Her strategy to have a post-poll role in search of a “satta ki master chaabi (master key to power)” has been hit as much as her own image of being an influential Dalit leader — Jatavs, who form 55% of the Dalit population and 11% of the total population, had rallied behind her till now. Chandrashekhar Azad, the man who has presented himself before Dalits as a viable alternative, has won from Nagina on the banner of his Azad Samaj Party.

Being out of office for long in UP is one reason to drive core voters away, apart from BJP making inroads with its welfare schemes. BSP is now back to its position in 2014 when it had zilch. It has not only failed to open its account, but its vote share has dipped from over 19% in 2019 to around 9%. It had won 10 seats in 2019 LS polls when it contested in alliance with Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal.

This time, the campaign was marked by missteps. Firstly, the decision to contest alone was perceived as a ‘suicidal move’. There were voices of dissent even from within. Prominent Muslim leaders like Imran Masood and Amroha MP Danish Ali were expelled after they reached out to Rahul Gandhi. Masood won from Saharanpur on a Congress ticket. Knowing that BSP would not make it alone, MPs Sangeeta Azad, Ritesh Pandey and Malook Nagar also quit.

Mayawati stuck to her party’s foundational ideology to distribute tickets based on ‘Jiski Jitni Hissedari, Uski Utni Bhagidari’. She fielded 20 Muslims, 18 Dalits, 16 OBCs and 15 Brahmins, but this included several BJP turncoats. They supplanted candidates who were the party’s first choice. In all, BSP re- placed its candidates in 14 seats. But it was the replacement of Shrikala Singh, wife of gangster-politician Dhananjay Singh in Jaunpur, and ex-BJP district president Dayashanker Mishra in Basti which led to the perception that BSP was acting under pressure. “Mishra has been active in Basti for more than three decades. He could have done substantial damage to BJP,” said sources.

The last bit of controversy was around her nephew Akash Anand, who was midway through the campaign divested of the national coordinator’s post and succeeded by Mayawati herself. This led to speculation that BSP’s leadership took the step to shield him, having realised it was not winning even a single seat.

KCR, man seeking national flight, crashlands where it all began

BRS, formerly TRS, fought its first LS election in 2004, winning 5 seats

Mahesh.Koride@timesgroup.com

Hyderabad: Telangana celebrated 10 years of its formation on June 2 this year, but KChandrasekhar Rao (KCR) and his Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS), which led the movement to carve out India’s youngest state, are back where they were over 20 years ago.

The party, in its original avatar as TRS, was formed in 2001 and contested its first Lok Sabha election in 2004 winning five seats as part of the UPA alliance. It won two in 2009 in alliance with TDP. In 2014, Telangana was formed and KCR became the undisputed leader of the state. Not winning a single seat this time leaves KCR with no role at the Centre. “Knowing that the LS polls were crucial for his party’s survival, he had embarked on a bus yatra despite undergoing hip replacement. He addressed meetings on is- sues like irrigation water from Kaleshwaram project and the Krishna River water issue. The party held protests and demanded that Congress govt implement promises made during the assembly polls. But going by the results, people want to give more time to Congress,” an analyst said.

BRS had won 11 LS seats in 2014 without allies, securing 34% of votes. In 2019, its vote share rose to 41% though it won fewer seats (9). This was months after sweeping assembly polls with 88 of the state’s 117 seats. KCR seemed invincible at that point. In retrospect, it was the stage from where his popularity graph began dipping. He has been unable to arrest the slide since. His “inaccessibility” and unresolved local issues like state public service commission question paper leaks, joblessness among urban youth, allegations of corruption have dented his image.

Out of Kejriwal shadow, lone ranger Mann brings AAP consolation prize

LAST MAN STANDING

Vibhor.Mohan@timesgroup.com

Chandigarh: The turmoil in Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) ahead of the Lok Sabha election turned the contest into a high-stakes personal battle for Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann — he was leading a campaign in the absence of Arvind Kejriwal and Raghav Chadha with his own govt’s two-year performance as a key issue.

AAP’s victory in three of the 13 seats in Punjab — Sangrur, Anandpur Sahib and Hoshiarpur — provides the party consolation in the light of the washout in Delhi and is a morale-booster to Mann. AAP has reclaimed Sangrur, represented twice by the chief minister himself in the past. Overall performance must be gauged vis-à-vis numbers notched up by rival parties as well as AAP’s tally in Delhi. Mann would want to assess the performance of four cabinet colleagues who lost and why the par- ty’s 92 MLAs in the 117-member state legislature failed to get more leads for AAP in their assembly segments.

Stepping out of Kejriwal’s shadow and with a free hand to shape strategy, he was more than a star campaigner. Uncertainty over Kejriwal and Chadha’s invol- vement in Punjab affairs and multi-cornered contests against Congress, SAD and BJP made his role crucial. Unlike the Punjab Congress unit, where no single leader hogged the limelight, AAP’s campaign revolved around the CM.

Though results fall far short of any intended target, the score would give AAP visibility in Parliament and national presence amid the troubles that beset its leadership in Delhi. Kejriwal had put Mann in the spotlight with the slogan ‘Sansad mein bhi Bhagwant Mann…’ (Mann in Parliament too), seeking votes to “strengthen” the chief minister’s position to take on the Centre and the governor.

Satish Singh, a political analyst and former I-PAC member, said, “Mann was the commander-in-chief of AAP’s campaign in Punjab. Had he faltered, there could have been murmurs of dissent. It was Mann’s show and he had to ensure a decent performance.”

Beyond Big Two, Power Players

Twelve major players outside of BJP and Congress, particularly those in south India, together won 138 of the 543 seats in 2019 LS polls. Most of these parties threw in their lot with either NDA or the INDIA bloc this time. Jagan Mohan Reddy’s YSRCP, Naveen Patnaik’s BJD and Mayawati’s BSP were notable exceptions

Venerable Veterans Far From Done

Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal referred to BJP’s ‘retire-at-75’ policy for netas to wonder if PM Modi would also follow suit. Seasoned campaigners are a presence to reckon with across the political spectrum. Here’s a look at the prominent names

Didi’s Gambit To Ditch INDIA In WB, ‘Go Ekla’ Splits Votes In Her Favour

TMC’s tally gives Mamata Banerjee more elbow room in INDIA bloc

Saibal.Sen@timesgroup.com

■ Dec 1984: A young greenhorn Congress worker from Kalighat — wearing a sari and hawai chappals — has just done the unbelievable, defeating CPM veteran Somnath Chatterjee from Jadavpur, the reddest of red citadels. Mamata Banerjee herself seems surprised and pundits attribute her victory to the sympathy wave that Congress benefited from after Indira Gandhi’s assassination

■ May 2024: Mamata Banerjee is canvassing for votes at Jadavpur’s Baro Bhooter Math (translated as the “ground belonging to a dozen ghosts”). She can work up the crowd to her will and asks for this seat once more so that she can help INDIA bloc in Lok Sabha, never mind that the alliance is not on in Bengal

In a political career of five decades, Banerjee has proved her critics wrong multiple times. After a bruis- ing, months-long campaign, with her party winning 29 seats in Bengal — its second best Lok Sabha performance after 2014 when it won 34 — she has had the last laugh again. The tally has gone up substantially from 22 in 2019.

Leading the party with 108 public rallies and multiple road shows, one of which saw her walk 12km at a stretch on her south Kolkata home turf, Banerjee, 69, criss-crossed from Coochbehar in the northernmost extreme to South 24 Parganas, where Bengal meets the Bay of Bengal. She went to Nandigram, where she lost in 2021 (a legal battle is still on over BJP’s alleged electoral malpractices). And Sandeshkhali, where her partymen have been accused of rape and land-grab, before sting videos threw up a counter-narrative of allegations being “BJP-engineered”.

This journey, where PM Modi’s campaign has tried to shift the burden of anti-incumbency to the state govt, was to reach the hearts of Bengal’s women (through schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar) and its minorities (with about a quarter of the state’s votes), even trying to establish Trinamool as a nativist party of the Bengali-Hindu majority through references to Durga Puja (now a Unescorecognised “intangible cultural heritage”) and the legacy of Swami Vivekananda.

Questioned for her decision to go solo, which had the potential to split traditional minority votes, Banerjee has been proven right — the community stood rock solid behind her. By splitting the Bengal battle into a three-way contest, Trinamool’s gains outweigh its losses. In the close contests which went its way, Congress-Left vote shares were higher than Trinamool’s victory margins, indicating a split in anti-Trina- mool votes. Difference in vote share in 2024 between Trinamool and BJP has widened to 10%.

With a final tally of 29 seats — third highest among opposition parties in India (after Congress and SP) — it gains more elbow room in INDIA bloc. That Left-Congress barely scraped through with one seat in Bengal also vindicates a pre-poll offer by Banerjee for 2-3 seats. The results may settle the unease in the Congress-Trinamool relationship. Banerjee has already said she disapproves of the way CPM “monitors” Congress in INDIA bloc.

Finally, the Trinamool win sets up a lot of expectations. Most importantly, Banerjee has promised to ease the central fund flow into MGNREGA in Bengal. Her social schemes have been a defining factor. A weakened BJP at the Centre, and a stronger INDIA bloc, allows her to go beyond the anti-Centre pitch and get work done.

Uncertain road ahead for Ajit’s NCP after lone LS poll victory

Anurag.Bende@timesgroup.com

Pune: This was the first electoral test for the two NCPs. But even with Supreme Court upholding the Election Commission’s recognition of his group as the real NCP, Ajit Pawar has been unable to make it count in Lok Sabha polls.

His no-holds-barred campaign against cousin Supriya Sule has failed. His wife Sunetra Pawar lost to Sule by roughly 37,000 votes. In fact, the other LS seat where the two NCPs were pitted against each other (Shirur) was also won by the Sharad Pawar-led party. With just one LS seat (Raigad) in his kitty, many of Ajit Pawar’s MLAs might read the verdict as a sign of things to come.

Ajit Pawar may fare better in assembly polls, but some say NCP’s dismal performance in LS polls will reduce his bargaining power when he negotiates with BJP’s Devendra Fadnavis and Shiv Sena’s Eknath Shinde for seat-sharing. On the personal front, the LS polls have isolated Ajit in the Pawar clan. During the campaign, most family members, including his brother Shrinivas, sided with Sharad Pawar.

Uddhav proves he’s more than just his father’s son

WAY FORWARD: Sena (UBT) won 7 of 13 direct fights with Shinde Sena

Chaitanya.Marpakwar@timesgroup.com

Mumbai: With his Shiv Sena (UBT) winning 9 of the 21 Maharashtra Lok Sabha seats it contested as part of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance, the results are a mixed bag for Uddhav Thackeray, who has lost the official party name and symbol to the rival Eknath Shinde-led formation.

Thackeray had built a narrative of betrayal around the ‘mashaal’ or flaming torch (his symbol), ever since Shinde mobilised a majority of Sena MPs and MLAs to ally with BJP two years ago. Sena (UBT) has won two seats more than the Shinde-led party and seven of 13 in which it was pitted against the latter. In Mumbai, where the party was founded, Sena (UBT) won three of the four seats it contested. But it has lost in Konkan, which was another of its strongholds.

“I had expected we would win more seats. We have certain suspicions…in Mumbai North West, we will challenge the election of Ravindra Waikar. We have lost the seat in Konkan, this is a surprise but we will see why this happened,” Uddhav said.

The results mean redemption for Thackeray, who recast a party founded on hardline Hindutva ideals to make common cause with Congress and NCP. Shinde’s charge that the Thackerays reneged on party founder Balasaheb’s core values haven’t stuck. The outcome is also significant because Sena (UBT) held on despite snapping ties with BJP, which was seen as the dominant partner in Lok Sabha campaigns. Thackeray is now in a position to be the opposition’s CM face for the Maharashtra assembly polls in Oct.

“Sena’s core Marathi voters have stayed with Thackeray and he has managed to add Muslim and Dalit voters. This makes him the most acceptable face for assembly polls,” said an observer. The LS results also show vote transfer can take place among MVA allies. With the state showing strong anti-incumbency amid a farm crisis and anxiety about jobs and price rise, Thackeray will be in mission mode for the assembly polls.

Sena (UBT) functionaries also expect many workers and mid-level office bearers from the Shinde group to return. While Thackeray has said that his doors are shut for defector MLAs and MPs, he may take back mid-level functionaries and grassroots workers. “Uddhav may go on an overdrive to woo former corporators and shakha-level workers even if MLAs and MPs aren’t taken back,” said an observer. Come Oct, Sena (UBT) would also eye a big chunk of assembly seats within MVA.

BJP Goes All Out In TN But No Cracks In Stalin’s Citadel

SAFETY BELT ON: If DMK rivals join hands, 2026 could be harder than 2021

TEAM TOI

Leading INDIA bloc’s campaign in Tamil Nadu, DMK president and chief minister M K Stalin played two roles: one, as the last sentinel against a saffron surge in the South; two, as a victim of the Centre’s partisanship in funding states. He has emerged victorious, his alliance winning all the 40 seats in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry.

Keeping his coalition flock — Congress, CPM, CPI, VCK and IUML — together, Stalin has retained national prominence. The DMK president may not have prime ministerial ambitions but his stature as an entrenched regional satrap gives him a centrality like his father M Karunanidhi enjoyed for decades. The Lok Sabha victory may even be seen as vindication after bruising corruption charges against at least two of his ministers.

A post-Covid outreach in healthcare and education along with proactive administrative measures by his govt has held anti-incumbency in check. Going forward, a friendly relationship with the Centre would help Stalin, especially since his state faces financial challenges. But the DMK president cannot cosy up to Modi when the next assembly election in Tamil Nadu is less than two years away. After all, it was his strident anti-BJP stand that gave him a decisive lead in atriangular contest. Even after AIADMK, which he had dubbed ‘BJP’s B team’, quit NDA in Sept 2023, DMK kept criticising it for a “secret pact” with BJP. Stalin’s message was clear: I am the supreme Dravidian commander against Hindutva. That was his USP.

DMK benefited from a divided opposition. If its rivals (PMK included) choose to join hands, 2026 could be harder than 2021, when DMK won 133 of 234 assembly seats. The TN chief minister has his work cut out, especially with BJP gaining in vote share. BJP state president K Annamalai was able to set a narrative that the battle — in terms of optics and decibel levels — was between DMK and BJP. The Sta- lin-Annamalai war of words was so shrill that AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami’s criticism of Stalin — and at times BJP — was barely audible.

While he is DMK’s undisputed leader at 71, Stalin will have to pass on the mantle sooner than later. The expected elevation of his son Udhayanidhi as deputy CM may give more ammo to Stalin’s detractors, but as long as DMK functionaries accept the rising son’s ascent without a murmur, dynasty politics may not harm the party’s electoral prospects. BJP, rising slowly as it is, may not be an immediate threat, but actor Vijay’s electoral entry as a disruptor in 2026 can trigger unexpected churns.

‘Bhatakti Aatma’ stages a comeback, shows his nephew who’s the real NCP

PAWAR SHIFT: This will be his best strike rate in an LS poll

Anurag.Bende@timesgroup.com

Pune: Sharad Pawar’s challengers will have to wait. The 83-year-old, who was ridiculed as a ‘bhatakti aatma’ by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during the campaign, has just licked them again in the toughest match of his career. Going into the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Pawar was fighting with one hand tied. His nephew Ajit had engineered a split in NCP, and walked away with the party’s name, symbol and leading lights. With Ajit joining the BJP-led Mahayuti grouping, each seat had become a contest between Pawar’s candidates and Prime Minister Modi.

Despite the headwinds, Pawar’s NCP (SP) is set to win 8of the 10 Lok Sabha seats it contested as part of the MVA alliance with Congress and Shiv Sena (UBT). This will be Pawar’s best strike rate in an LS poll. His NCP’s wins span the Mumbai region (Bhiwandi), western and central Maharashtra (Baramati, Madha and Shirur), Vidarbha (Wardha) and north Maharashtra (Dindori and Ahmednagar). Pawar has managed to make inroads in regions where NCP’s support base was considered relatively weaker. In comparison, the rival NCP led by Ajit Pawar has won a lone seat in Raigad.

As a key member of INDIA bloc, the former Union minister and four-time chief minister was fighting the election simultaneously on different fronts, including in his backyard Baramati, where Ajit had challenged his supremacy by fielding his wife Sunetra against Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule.

Many felt that the ageing Pawar would largely confine himself to Baramati and western Maharashtra to counter Ajit’s immediate challenge, but he sur- prised them with a busy tour. He attended over 50 rallies in over-40-degrees heat and pegged away at rebuilding the organisation that Ajit had split.

With veterans like Chhagan Bhujbal and Dilip Walse Patil choosing to go with his nephew, Pawar didn’t have easy picks either for the 10 seats his party contested. But he made up by poaching candidates from the rival NCP and BJP.

Pawar’s close associates say he enjoys nothing more than a tough challenge. What worked most for him was the sympathy generated by the split. Both Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray — MVA allies who were ‘dispossessed’ of party names and symbols — rode a wave this time even as their campaign focused on issues such as the rural economy and the jobs crisis, which resonated with voters.

Following NCP’s split, some seniors like Jayant Patil and Vandana Chavan in the organisation had stayed put with Pawar while most of the younger lot had gone with Ajit. For organizational heft, Pawar delegated charge to younger leaders, including grandnephew Rohit, who campaigned among first-time voters. Another grandnephew, Yugendra, held fort for Supriya in Baramati. These tactics paid off. Though a challenge came from within the family, Sharad Pawar managed to unite the rest of his clan behind him.

The 2024 Lok Sabha election was in some ways a repeat of the 2019 assembly polls when many leaders left NCP and the Opposition declared the Sharad Pawar era as over. But Pawar’s party won more than 50 seats. He also managed to split the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance to forge the MVA with Congress and Sena, which led the govt until 2022.

Rebel Shinde holds ground despite ‘sympathy wave’

Priyanka.Kakodkar@timesgroup.com

Mumbai: Maharashtra’s ambitious and street-smart CM Eknath Shinde had shown time and again that he could not be written off. After being suppressed and passed over by Uddhav Thackeray, Shinde struck back by splitting Shiv Sena and taking it over. On allying with BJP to form the govt, he managed to wrest the top post, leaving a stunned Devendra Fadnavis to settle as his deputy. His direct proximity to the BJP brass in Delhi led to a sweet deal for the LS polls: 15 seats compared with four for BJP’s other ally, NCP.

The verdict will bring vindication and relief. Having won 7 seats, Shinde’s party has a better strike rate than BJP in Maharashtra (which won 10 of the 28 seats it contested). The verdict may well mean he continues to hold his bargaining position and can lead the Mahayuti alliance ahead of state assembly polls due in Oct.

While the result has not shown that he is a claimant to the reins of the “real Shiv Sena”, it may not exactly cause an exodus from Shinde’s party towards the resurgent Shiv Sena (UBT) ahead of assembly polls. In the 13 direct contests with Sena (UBT), Shinde’s party fared better in at least five— Buldhana, Hatkanangale, Kalyan, Maval, and Mumbai North West. Thackeray’s bruising campaign, pitching “loyalists” against “traitors”, did not entirely work.

In Kalyan, his son Shrikant Shinde won by over 2 lakh votes, while in Thane his nominee Naresh Mhaske was leading by over 2 lakh votes.

“Shrikant Shinde won with a record margin. People have voted for the development work done by PM Modi in 10 years and our Maha yuti govt. Many seats were lost by a very thin margin and may be because the candidates were declared late. We will rethink these issues and rectify our mistakes,” Shinde said.

For Shinde, having outperformed Ajit Pawar’s NCP, he has now shown his party is BJP’s more valuable ally.

Bansuri gets poll tune right

One of the most fascinating faceoffs in the capital saw AAP’s three-time MLA Somnath Bharti lock horns with BJP’s debutante Bansuri Swaraj, daughter of former Union minister, the late Sushma Swaraj. In a constituency that has returned political stalwarts like Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani, Swaraj secured a win with a margin of 78,370 votes. During the initial rounds, the two candidates were engaged in a close battle, with Bansuri maintaining a lead of around 3,000 votes. The margin continued to widen with time. Interestingly, this was one of the few seats where a three-way contest was anticipated with BSP steering clear of INDIA bloc. BSP’s candidate Raaj Kumar Anand, who dramatically resigned in April from AAP and as minister, could muster just 5,629 votes. Close to 5,000 NOTA votes were recorded. The constituency once again threw up a woman victor, with Swaraj succeeding outgoing BJP MP Meenakshi Lekhi. Swaraj, a lawyer by profession, entered active politics as co-convener of Delhi BJP's legal cell last year and quickly rose to the position of secretary in the state unit.

Bidhuri has rival on the mat

In an intense contest between two Gujjar MLAs, BJP’s Ramvir Singh Bidhuri, the incumbent MLA from Badarpur and leader of opposition, secured a resounding victory with 6,92,832 votes. AAP’s Sahi Ram, a two-term MLA from Tughlaqabad, managed 5,68,499 votes. South Delhi parliamentary constituency, contrary to common belief, consists of not only affluent areas but also urban villages, unauthorised settlements, slums, luxurious farmhouses, resettlement colonies and a rural region close to Haryana border. Both contenders hail from rural parts of the constituency, which encompasses 10 assembly constituencies. Sahi Ram held a lead of over 1,200 votes during the early trends. However, after 9am, Bidhuri overtook him, establishing a margin of 1,299 votes. As time passed, the gap widened significantly. By 11.30am, Bidhuri had surged ahead by more than 21,220 votes. Around 1pm, with the lead exceeding 66,000 votes, the result was a foregone conclusion. While Sahi Ram felt that BJP gained from a strongly performance in Palam, Bijwasan and Chhatarpur assembly constituencies, supporters of saffron parties conceded that AAP may have done well in Sangam Vihar and Tughlaqabad.

Upstart upstages old hand

In his first Lok Sabha battle, Praveen Khandelwal emerged victorious for BJP, vanquishing his veteran Congress rival Jai Prakash Agarwal. A close contest had been expected but Khandelwal eventually secured the seat with a margin of 89,325 votes, despite a 2-lakh-strong Muslim electorate largely supporting the Congress after its alliance with AAP. The ding-dong battle saw Khandelwal leading by just a single vote in the second round. Congress, in the first three rounds, secured 26,965, 53,284 and 75,958 votes against 24,260, 49,476, and 74,915 for BJP. The tide turned in the fourth round when Khandelwal surged ahead, garnering 1,02,430 votes against 93,523 for Agarwal. After 15 rounds of counting around 2.30pm, Khandelwal had managed an efficient lead. The BJP candidate expressed satisfaction at the results. “Being a trader, my priority is to work for improvement of markets, promotion of startups and striving to simplify GST,” Khandelwal said. Agarwal, a 10-time parliamentary polls combatant, accepted the people's verdict and thanked his supporters.

BJP goes north in North West

Among the victorious BJP candidates in Delhi, Yogender Chandoliya, contesting the North West Delhi seat, had the highest winning margin. As a first-time Lok Sabha contestant, Chandoliya's impressive performance underscored his party’s hold on the constituency, which also has a BJP MLA representing Rohini. Chandoliya's dominance was evident from the early rounds of counting. By round 3, he had totalled 11,778 votes, while Udit Raj of Congress, an earlier MP from the same seat, had received 5,332 votes. By noon, Chandoliya’s kitty had 1,99,743 votes and his rival’s, 81,831. Eventually, the gap became a yawning 2.9 lakh that couldn’t be closed. “We will fulfil the promises we made during campaigning,” said Chandoliya. “I thank the people for giving BJP such a huge vote share. There are problems in the areas here like lack of connectivity, poor water quality and lack of sports facilities. Along with them, we will also take up the construction of an underpass in Kirari and rejuvenation of waterbodies.”

Ctrl+Alt+Delhi:Alliance Finds Zero Bandwidth

BJP Continues Dominance, But Margins Of Win Come Down

Atul.Mathur@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: The capital once again proved to be impregnable for the opposition with BJP scoring a hat-trick by comfortably winning in all seven parliamentary constituencies despite a joint challenge by Aam Aadmi Party and Congress. The saffron party’s winning margins might have got reduced but it established its might quite comprehensively.

The party secured 54.4% of the total votes polled, down by 2.3% from its 2019 vote share while AAP and Congress together polled 43.1%. AAP got 24.2% of votes in the four constituencies where it fielded its candidates while Congress polled 18.9% in the three constituencies where it faced BJP.

AAP and Congress had managed to stitch a pre-poll alliance in Delhi to prevent division of anti-BJP votes but the challenge fizzled out.

BJP had wiped out the antiincumbency factor by replacing six of its seven sitting MPs with new candidates and it seemed to have worked. Its decision to retain Manoj Tiwari in North East Delhi paid off. He won his third consecutive election by defeating Congress’ Kanhaiya Kumar, former student union president of JNU by over 1.4 lakh votes.

Making her electoral debut, BJP stalwart Sushma Swaraj’s daughter, Bansuri, defeated AAP’s three-time MLA Somnath Bharti in New Delhi by a margin of about 78,370 votes.

The party’s biggest victory, however, came from North West Delhi, the constituency reserved for scheduled caste candidates, where former North Delhi Municipal Corporation (pre-merger) mayor Yogendra Chandoliya defeated Congress’ Udit Raj by over 2.9 lakh votes. The 2019 election had also seen BJP scoring its biggest victory from the same constituency.

In West Delhi, BJP’s Kamaljeet Sehrawat defeated her nearest rival, AAP’s Mahabal Mishra, by a margin of 2 lakh votes. A former Congress MP, Mishra had lost the last two Lok Sabha elections from West Delhi before joining AAP in 2022.

BJP’ leader of the opposition in Delhi assembly, Ramvir Singh Bidhuri, defeated AAP’s Sahi Ram in South Delhi by over 1.2 lakh votes. In East Delhi, BJP’s Harsh Deep Malhotra defeated AAP’s Kuldeep Kumar by a margin of over 93,663 votes.

The only constituency where the INDIA bloc gave BJP a few anxious moments initially was Chandni Chowk where Congress’ Jai Prakash Agarwal, a veteran of several elections, was pitted against BJP’s Praveen Khandelwal. Agarwal maintained a narrow lead in the first few rounds but lost to Khandelwal by over 89,325 votes.

AAP and Congress had sought votes to “save Constitution and democracy” and raised unemployment and inflation as major poll issues. AAP had even turned the election into a referendum on the arrest of party chief and Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal.

“Unlike states like UP and Bihar where youths were unhappy about not getting govt jobs, it was not an issue in Delhi,” explained Ravi Ranjan, a professor of political science in Delhi University. “Being a metropolitan city, the issues for the citizens of Delhi are different and the results reflect that.”

Political scientist Manoj Sinha said the credentials of AAP had become suspect in the run-up to the elections. “AAP was born out of a movement against corruption. It had attacked Congress, accusing it of corruption and replaced it in the capital,” said Sinha. Its alliance with the same party exposed it to criticism.

The Congress cadres were reluctant allies of AAP and the party’s choice of candidates and campaigning had got delayed. Fielding of “outsiders” like Udit Raj and Kanhaiya also led to resentment within the party. Rahul Gandhi held three rallies in Delhi, one in each constituency where the party was contesting, but not many senior party functionaries turned up for campaigning.

Both Congress and AAP candidates relied heavily on Kejriwal, who held a few roadshows but seemed to have failed to galvanise voters.

No wild swings in West

BJP’s Kamaljeet Sehrawat is poised to become a first-time MP after securing a resounding victory over AAP’s Mahabal Mishra. Sehrawat, who contested the Lok Sabha election for the first time, garnered 8,42,658 votes, while Mishra, a former MP and three-time MLA from Congress, managed 6,43,645. BSP's Vishakah was third with 7,824 votes. Sehrawat, who previously served as mayor of the erstwhile south corporation in 2017, currently represents one of the wards in Dwarka after her victory in the 2022 municipal election. While it was a close battle in Madhipur and Tilak Nagar, Sehrawat’s vote share remained high in Janakpuri, Vikaspuri, Uttam Nagar, Hari Nagar, Rajouri Garden, Dwarka, Matiala and Najafgarh, helping her maintain a healthy lead all through. West Delhi, the largest parliamentary constituency in the city, encompasses a diverse range of demographics and geographies, from the affluent neighbour hood of Dwarka to bustling Rajouri market, remote villages bordering Haryana and colonies inhabited by lower middle class.

Tiwari coasts to third win

Manoj Tiwari recorded a personal hat-trick from the North East Delhi constituency, whizzing past his Congress rival, former Jawaharlal Nehru University Students' Union president Kanhaiya Kumar. The BJP winner went into a big lead from the outset of the counting and kept the momentum going with each round. The contest in North East Delhi was slated to be keen because of the significant Poorvanchali population. Both Tiwari and Kumar are from that community. The large Muslim electorate was expected to be advantageous to Congress. By 2pm on Tuesday, however, Kumar lagged Tiwari by over one lakh votes. Around 7.30pm, BJP had stretched its lead to a shade under 1.4 lakh, with 8.2 lakh votes in Tiwari’s kitty against 6.8 lakh for Kumar. “I would like to thank PM Narendra Modi for this win,” said Tiwari. “I also feel blessed to have received the support of voters in my constituency. No doubt the responsibility has increased as BJP is ahead in all seven seats in Delhi. BJP means service. We will keep serving the people.”

Why assembly polls may still be anybody’s game

Vibha.Sharma@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: The Delhi assembly elections, about eight months from now, will show if the Lok Sabha results have any bearing on the outcome.

Despite defeats in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls, AAP managed to secure an overwhelming majority in the last two assembly elections. In 2015, the party bagged 67 of the 70 seats. In the 2020 elections, it emerged victorious in 62 constituencies.

Although BJP has claimed all seven parliamentary seats, the outlook for it in the assembly elections will depend on various factors.

Political analyst Chandrachud Singh says, "Lok Sabha and assembly elections are like pots on two different planks" and Delhi has previously witnessed voters making different choices. However, Singh pointed out that BJP's current Lok Sabha victory has boosted the morale of its Delhi cadre. “If the party works diligently on core issues concerning the people of Delhi, their prospect of getting seats in the assembly elections will definitely increase," he said.

Saroj Giri, an associate professor in Delhi University, offered a contrasting perspective. He said that despite the BJP's clean sweep of Delhi’s Lok Sabha seats, its voting percentage has declined. He also highlighted that BJP's overall performance across the country was not entirely satisfactory.

Giri emphasised that the AAP govt has successfully delivered on its promises, such as free water, electricity, bus service and better education for women. "Poor, lower-middle and uppermiddle class people can make a sharp distinction in their choices when it comes to assembly polls," he said.

This can be proved by the fact that in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll, BJP was ahead in 65 assembly segments but when the assembly elections took place in 2020, AAP won 62 seats.

“The common man fumes due to mass corruption in DDA, DJB and even MCD (where BJP couldn't do anything in 15 years)....It's high time the party brass consolidates their efforts to understand voters’ needs,” said Atul Goyal, president of United Residents’ Welfare Association.

The sustainability of AAP as a party over the next few months will also play a crucial role. Chief minister Arvind Kejriwal is in jail and LG VK Saxena is determined to prevent govt from functioning from prison. It remains to be seen if central rule will be imposed.

Some experts believe that the imprisonment of AAP ministers might translate into sympathy votes. Mridula Mukherjee, a former JNU professor, said Delhiites are astute. The mandate given by the people to parties in the Lok Sabha elections is a testament to this fact.

She said AAP was being treated unfairly. “People are watching. Whenever an election happens, it will reflect in the results," she added.

AAP and BJP will also have to contend with a resurgent Congress which may go all-out to claw back lost ground despite the very short time available.

A see-saw victory in East

BJP’s decision to replace incumbent MP Gautam Gambhir with former mayor Harsh Malhotra paid rich dividends as he defeated AAP’s Kuldeep Kumar by a margin of 93,663 votes. Malhotra sprinted ahead of his rival in the first round itself, gaining a lead of 9,045 votes. However, there were some tense moments for him in the fifth round when his lead came down to just 125. The tremors didn’t last long, though. By the 17th round, Malhotra’s victory was near certain as his lead mounted to 83,821 votes, with the BJP candidate appearing to do well in Okhla, Gandhi Nagar, Jangpura, Krishna Nagar, Shahdara, Vishwas Nagar, Laxmi Nagar, Trilokpuri, Kondli and Patparganj. Malhotra later conveyed his gratitude to the Delhi voters and attributed the party's victory in all seats to its “accomplishments” over the past decade. Kumar, MLA from Kondli assembly constituency, acknowledged that the ultimate power lay with the public and said the party would analyse the factors that led to the unfavourable result.

AAPeal diminished, Kejriwal’s troubles mount

TASK CUT OUT: For chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, the biggest challenge now is to keep AAP relevant

Ambika.Pandit@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: It is indeed ironical that when the INDIA bloc has given a tough fight to NDA, Arvind Kejriwal — with govt in two states — and his party have suffered a huge setback. In fact, the poll outcome shows a loss of credibility for brand Kejriwal. The AAP campaign pitch virtually called for a referendum on the Delhi chief minister’s arrest in the liquor policy case, portraying it as vendetta politics by BJP. This very neatly dovetailed with its criticism of LG V K Saxena for being the Centre’s malicious agent.

What did AAP gain after 21 days of campaigning by its chief, who was out on interim bail? It had an alliance with Congress in Delhi and they drew a blank on all 7 seats. The Punjab story is even more dire. It has won only 3 out of 13 seats in the state where it is the ruling party. And it has failed to win any seat in Gujarat, Assam and Haryana.

This puts a question mark on AAP’s relevance as a player of significance in the INDIA alliance. The party’s bargaining power in INDIA alliance will be considerably weakened with more powerful regional satraps calling the shots.

It can, however, take solace from the fact that with NDA’s tally reduced, and BJP doing introspection, its mascot can expect some respite from central agencies. However, if Kejriwal insists on continuing as CM while in jail, he has to contend with the possibility of Central rule being imposed and assembly polls being called for earlier than Feb next year when the AAP govt completes five years.

The slogan of “jail ka jawab vote se” didn’t yield a mandate for the party. The poll results also show that Kejriwal’s ‘Delhi model of development’ and its projection in Punjab, where it had swept the assembly polls in 2022, did not impress the electorate enough to choose AAP over BJP and Congress.

AAP had joined politics promising an “alternative” to traditional parties like BJP and Congress, calling them corrupt. When it struck an alliance with Congress, it did not sit well with voters who saw it as an opportunistic move. The argument that AAP had joined INDIA in order to defeat a dictatorial dispensa- tion at the Centre seems to have been lost on the electorate.

The party, which had secured an impressive victory in Punjab assembly polls in 2022, getting catapulted into the limelight as a party that could be a national player of significance, failed to perform in the state winning just 3 seats – Sangrur, Anandpur Sahib and Hoshiarpur. Congress got 7 out of 13. Significantly, both AAP and Cong- ress had agreed not to fight in an alliance in the face of resistance from state units who felt going separately would work better. That clearly worked for Congress, leaving AAP high and dry.

As part of the INDIA alliance, AAP and Congress were also in the poll fray jointly in Gujarat. AAP contested in two constituencies – Bharuch and Bhavnagar — with the former being the home turf of later Congress stalwart Ahmed Patel. Congress has won one out of the 24 seats it contested. BJP bagged 25 out of 26. AAP drew a blank.

Besides, AAP also lost Kurukshetra to BJP while Congress, which fought on 9 seats in Haryana, won 5. Kejriwal’s party was also defeated in two constituencies in Assam.

With Kejriwal seen as the face of AAP in Delhi and beyond, with no other person to take over reins of the party and govt in sight yet, the way forward for his party will be determined by how long he remains in jail and how far he is able to run the show from inside while keeping his flock together.

Again, Delhi Goes To Biggest Party

Since 1998, the capital has unfailingly reflected the mood of the country. From farmers on the Yamuna floodplain and traders in Chandni Chowk to the movers and shakers of Lutyens’ Delhi, its electorate defies classification. The trend suggests that whoever does well in Delhi goes on to form govt at the Centre

New Tricks Needed Despite Hat-Trick

No Clear CM Face, Poor MCD Track Record And Over-Reliance On Modi BJP’s Weak Points

NOT SO STRAIGHT FORWARD? The challenge for BJP is to replicate LS win in assembly polls next year and nip factionalism in the bud

Abhinav.Rajput@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: Unlike the trend of BJP loosening its hold on several states it had swept in 2019, the party again held Delhi in a vice-like grip winning all the seven seats for the third consecutive general elections. And like in the elections of 2019, BJP’s vote share was over 50% this year too.

The saffron party’s Ramvir Singh Bidhuri won in South Delhi, Yogender Chandoliya in North-West Delhi, Bansuri Swaraj in New Delhi, Harsh Malhotra in East Delhi, Kamaljeet Sehrawat in West Delhi, Praveen Khandelwal in Chandni Chowk and Manoj Tiwari in North-East Delhi.

Except for Tiwari, the party had put up fresh candidates this year, and BJP city seniors said this helped counter anti- incumbency and keep the cadres motivated. "When you are able to convince the electorate that your party is forming the govt at the centre, the fence-sitters also emerge in your support," explained a senior functionary.

Delhi BJP unit president Virendra Sachdeva said, "The people of the capital gave us this mandate for the works done by PM Narendra Modi for Delhi and for his visionary leadership." Party functionaries said that the campaign had been decided months in advance to centre on two talking points: the performance of PM Modi and the corruption allegations against AAP, including about the excise policy, renovation of the CM’s house and financial discrepancies in Delhi Jal Board.

"AAP is no longer the par- ty seen as a group of honest people with noble intentions. The liquor policy has exposed them and three of their top leaders are in jail on corruption charges with the co- urts refusing to grant them bail," said Sachdeva.

With the Lok Sabha polls wrapped up, BJP anticipates the resounding win to provide it the impetus it needs for the assembly elections eight months away. The party has encountered obstacles in the previous assembly polls, winning, respectively, just three and eight seats in 2015 and 2020, despite sweeping the stakes in the two Lok Sabha elections held a year prior to each in 2014 and 2019.

BJP insiders, therefore, feel the 2025 assembly polls could similarly prove arduous due not only to the absence of a compelling narrative to counter AAP’s populist policy but also because of factionalism within the state unit.

A party functionary admitted that BJP, which last formed the government in Delhi in 1993, lacked a charismatic figure to rival Arvind Kejriwal. He also conceded an overreliance on the Modi factor and this places them at a disadvantage in state and local polls. This was one of the reasons AAP was able to wrest control of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi from BJP in 2022.

The clean sweep will result in a larger share of development projects for the city, BJP functionaries hoped. One of them said, "With BJP also forming the govt at the Centre, Delhi can again expect a larger share of development funds as it has been doing. Delhi is the first state in the country that got the regional rapid rail besides the Delhi-Bombay, Delhi-Dehradun and Saharanpur expressways,” he said, adding, "You can expect more such projects. There is also a huge demand for the expansion of Delhi Metro to the fringes of the city and we have committed to our voters that we would accomplish this."

Cong needs gust to convert winds of change into wave

WAY TO GO? A jubilant Congress supporter at AICC headquarters

Abhinav.Rajput@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: The Congress party's hopes of regaining lost ground in the national capital were tied to the Lok Sabha election, as they have been unable to win the Vidhan Sabha for a decade and the corporation for 17 years. However, the party failed to secure any seats in Delhi for the third consecutive time, this time in an alliance with AAP this time.

While Kanhaiya Kumar lost North East Delhi seat to Manoj Tiwari, Udit Raj was defeated by Yogendra Chandolia (North West). JP Aggarwal failed to best Praveen Khandelwal in Chandni Chowk.

This defeat marks a significant blow for Congress, which had traditionally dominated Delhi's political scene, often sweeping all the seats in previous Lok Sabha elections prior to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s era at the Centre.

Several factors contributed to the party’s campaign struggles, including the late announcement of candidates compared to AAP and BJP, the defection of state president Arvinder Singh Lovely to BJP just weeks before the polls and the inability to motivate cadres and unite different factions within the party. The lack of a strong grassroots structure and the absence of charismatic leaders also hindered the party's chances.

“In such elections where there are only two blocks (BJP and INDI alliance), the contest becomes close. Had we managed these issues, then we could have dented BJP in some seats,” said a senior Congress functionary. The vote percentage difference between Congress and BJP candidates was around 9% in the closely contested Chandni Chowk and North East Delhi constituencies.

However, Congress functionary Abhishek Dutt emphasised the party's good performance in several seats, which he believes could serve as a model for the party to revive its fortunes in Delhi. “We have done well in several states and have stopped BJP from the magic number of 272. This was possible because we raised issues that affect the common people, such as unemployment and price rise… youths are upset with the way their jobs are being snatched in the name of schemes like Agniveer,” he said.

Dutt expressed optimism in using the same model in Delhi to bring back the party's glory days. “We will do a sustained campaign in Delhi like we did in Telangana and Karnataka,” he said.

Senior party members, meanwhile, cautioned that if Congress didn’t take decisive action, it might encounter even greater difficulties in the upcoming Vidhan Sabha polls in Feb next year. They stressed the importance of the party reassessing its strategy, bringing in fresh leadership and launching campaigns focused on issues directly impacting the lives of the people.

Party functionaries expect that the upcoming Vidhan Sabha polls will likely see BJP, AAP and Congress fighting independently.

In game of thorns, AAP must keep flock together

HEADWINDS AT DOORSTEPS: AAP failed to step up to the challenge

Atul.Mathur@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: Aam Aadmi Party is now facing an existential crisis. The party, which formed govt in Delhi thrice in the past 10 years and expanded its footprints in some other states showcasing the “Delhi model of governance”, couldn’t claim even one seat in the Lok Sabha elections despite a seat-sharing arrangement with Congress.

With the assembly polls in the capital a few months away and its three top leaders – Kejriwal, former deputy CM Manish Sisodia and former health minister Satyendar Jain – in jail, the beleaguered party faces the challenge of both running the govt for the full term and preparing for a crucial state election.

Kejriwal’s arrest in the money laundering case linked to the now-scrapped excise policy a week after announcement of the Lok Sabha poll schedule forced the party to launch a campaign with the slogan, “Jail ka jawab vote se”, to generate a sympathy wave. The Delhi CM’s personal appeal on these lines, however, failed to move the voters enough.

Political scientist and former JNU professor Neera Chandhoke said the charges of corruption against Kejriwal and his senior party colleagues have badly dented AAP’s image. “Also, Kejriwal has failed to strengthen AAP’s organisational structure and it has largely remained a oneleader party,” she said.

Questioning AAP’s alliance with Congress, she added: “I am not sure if the alliance actually worked on the ground and Congress and AAP workers voted for each other’s candidates in their respective constituencies.”

With its vulnerabilities exposed, the party faces the huge challenge of keeping its flock together. The threat can come from both BJP and a resurgent Congress. Senior functionaries of both parties have claimed in private that many legislators and municipal councillors of Kejriwal’s party are willing to jump ship.

If Kejriwal doesn’t step down from CM’s post despite being in jail, governance will suffer besides the Centre getting an opportunity to impose Central rule if it feels there would be dividends. Whether a replacement — be it Kejriwal’s wife, Sunita, or someone else — can be effective is a hypothetical question at this time.

AAP’s Delhi state convener, Gopal Rai, said they fought this election in most adverse circumstances. “AAP gave a tough fight to BJP in Delhi with its rock-solid unity. BJP's margin is going to reduce on a big scale,” he said.

Meanwhile, AAP has called for PM Narendra Modi's resignation, asserting that the LS election results reflected a clear mandate against BJP's politics of “hatred and dictatorship”.

“People have voted to save Baba Saheb’s Constitution. They have voted to save the reservation system in the country, which is for the Dalits, deprived, exploited, backward and tribal,” Singh said

Muslim vote fails to swing it for alliance in Delhi

LEFT DISAPPOINTED: Muslim voters showed up, but it didn’t show up in Delhi’s results

Priyangi.Agarwal@timesgroup.com

New Delhi: Mehfooz Alam, a 35-year-old real estate professional from New Delhi, closely followed the election results all day. However, he was left disappointed as the AAP-Congress alliance failed to secure a single seat in Delhi.

“It seems that our votes didn’t count for much. In Lok Sabha election, the community has limited influence in a direct contest against BJP. We are disappointed with the false promises of BJP spreading hate and community divide. However, we are hopeful in the upcoming assembly polls,” Alam said.

According to the 2011 Census, Muslims constitute around 12.9% of Delhi's population. As per political estimates, North East Lok Sabha constituency currently has the highest percentage of Muslim voters at 20.7%, while other constituencies also have a significant Muslim population: Chandni Chowk (14%), East Delhi (16.8%), New Delhi (16.8%), North West Delhi (10.6%), South Delhi (7%), and West Delhi (6.8%).

North East constituency recorded the highest voting percentage at 58.3%, with three predominantly Muslim-inhabited assembly constituencies—Seelampur, Mustafabad, and Babarpur—each seeing a voting percentage of over 65%. However, Congress candidate Kanhaiya Kumar lost the seat by a margin of over 1.3 lakh votes.

Mohd Mushtaq from Joharipur said the public's choice leaned more towards BJP. Adnan Zain, a trader in Nand Nagri, added, “The problem with Kanhaiya Kumar is that he did not visit the people on the ground as much as he should have. Giving passionate speeches online for impact is not enough. Having an interpersonal connection with the people you are representing is important.”

Sami, a car service provider from northeast Delhi, said, "Those who voted in favour of BJP did not do so for the goodwill of Manoj Tiwari, as he has barely done any work; it's because of Modi's brand appeal." He expressed hope that Tiwari would address issues like mosquitoes, waste management and drinking water in his third term.

Other influential Muslim-domi- nated areas in Delhi include Chandni Chowk, Matia Mahal and Ballimaran assembly constituencies in Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency, which recorded voting percentages of 56.8%, 67.20%, and 64.7%, respectively. In East Delhi constituency, Okhla, a Muslim-dominated area, recorded a voting percentage of 52.2%.

Many minority community members attributed the impact on results to the lower voting percentage in Delhi vis-à-vis the 2019 and 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Sarim Ullah, a shopkeeper in Ballimaran, said that due to the blistering heat, many women did not step out to cast their votes.

S Khan, a local from Matia Mahal, said that safety and security were the primary concerns for voters in his neighbourhood. "We wanted a govt that treats everyone equally, besides providing security. The results were a setback for us, but I think if the voting percentage had been high, then Congress would have won the seat easily," he said.

In East Delhi constituency, Naseem, a 33-year-old resident, hoped for the AAP candidate to win, citing the party's work in providing free bus rides for women and water and electricity for all. Shareef Ahmad, a resident of Govindpuri in south Delhi, said the candidates who won had the support of the public and that INDIA bloc gave a tough fight to BJP across the country.

With inputs for stories from Anuja Jaiswal, Kushagra Dixit, Siddhanta Mishra, Ridhima Gupta and Shreya Ghosh

POLLINATION

Wind, water and noise

Counting for the Chandni Chowk seat at Bharat Nagar (Ashok Vihar) wasn’t done in the most salubrious of environs. The fans seemed to have been placed at an unsuitable height, causing the blades to hit the temporary pillars and create a disruptive din. Water also constantly leaked from the AC units

Paper chase

Election officials at the Chandni Chowk constituency had to fall back on the old-world paper votes after an EVM developed technical problems and delayed the counting process. BJP and Congress polling agents demanded immediate rectification, forcing the officials to count the VVPAT slips

Going with the trend

Loud dholak beats resounded at the BJP state office on Pandit Pant Marg after early results indicated a BJP lead in Delhi. Around midday, however, there was a pause because the national results provided room for circumspection. The drummers picked up again after a more definitive uptick in the national trend for the saffron party

Brotherhood of also-rans

‘Haare hum, par mann se nahi haare (we lost the polls, not our spirit),’ quipped a group of independent candidates during the counting in the South Delhi constituency. Among them were Chandrashekhar Singh Kushwaha who got 1,889 votes, Deepak Kapila (1,500), Ram Gopal (3,958), Arun Kumar (842), Shanker Dey (522), Poonam Srivastava (958) and Biharilal Jalandhari (514)

Sole searching

Right outside the New Delhi counting centre in Gole Market, cobbler Suresh sat under the shade of a banyan tree. Unlike others, he didn’t seem remotely interested in the results of the polls. The 45-year-old Rajasthani migrant dourly said, ‘A change of political party changes only the lives of the rich.’

NOT A vote-hungry candidate

In North East Delhi, Ravi Kiran Thilak Thatikonda, an independent candidate, was at the counting centre more to find out how many had opted for NOTA than voted for him. His campaign had been to discourage NOTA voting and he had distributed T-shirts bearing that message. ‘NOTA is a hoax. We have to make our voices heard,’ he smiled

Driving pleasure

Till 4pm, the Samaypur Badli road in North West Delhi constituency was almost empty, with only a few grocery shops operating. And while the road was barricaded since it led to the counting centre at Delhi Technological University, other streets going to and away from Rohini were unusually clear of the regular traffic jams

Business as unusual

The Night Cafe on the DTU campus is usually crammed with students. Business was lean after the university closed for vacations on May 25. On Tuesday, however, the till rang as party workers, poll officials and security personnel made a beeline for it since it was the only place they could find refreshments

Margins Go South, But South Hry Stays With BJP

Inderjit hits super six in Gurgaon, beats Raj Babbar in close contest

RaoJaswantSingh@timesgroup.com

Gurgaon: After a suspense that stretched well into the afternoon, BJP’s Rao Inderjit Singh defeated his nearest rival – actor-politician Raj Babbar of Congress – by more than 75,000 votes.

This marked his sixth win as MP and fourth from Gurgaon since it became a Lok Sabha seat in 2008. His victory margin, however, came down drastically from 4 lakh in 2019. The day began with the numbers inclined towards Babbar. The Congress candidate maintained a steady lead of 30,000-40,000 till 2pm, after which the tables turned towards Rao Inderjit. By the end of the day, the BJP veteran had secured 75,079 votes more than his rival.

Of the 16 lakh-odd votes that were polled in Gurgaon, Rao Inderjit bagged over 8 lakh while Babbar had 7.3 lakh votes in his kitty. Officials said the Congress candidate took the lead in the morning as votes from Nuh were counted first. Babbar maintained a lead for 6 hours straight as he bagged a majority of votes from the three assembly constituencies of Nuh – Punhana, Ferozpur Jhirka and Nuh.

In the morning, when Babbar was leading by around 40,000 votes, he said in Rewari, “This is a decision of the people. And it’s the people who are leading.”

However, when the trends started trickling in from Gurgaon and Badshapur, the tally inclined towards Rao Inderjit. Barring Nuh, he managed a decent lead from other seats.

According to reports, the BJP candidate’s performance was not up to the mark in Pataudi, Rewari and Bawal, which was against the party’s expectations. Political analysts said BJP’s lead in Gurgaon proved residents gave preference to national issues over local ones, such as the state’s unemployment rate, civic infrastructure and others.

Through its campaign, Congress reached out to voters on local issues and hoped to capitalise on the anti-incumbency sentiment, particularly among farmers and members of the Jat community. BJP spoke on national topics and achievements of the Modi govt at the Centre.

In the Ahirwal region, considered a stronghold for Rao Inderjit, there was discontent with the govt over Agnipath, the short-term Army recruitment scheme. Most youths, who grow up hoping to join the Army some day, said their dreams were shattered with the govt’s decision.

Launched in June 2022, the Agnipath scheme has reduced the service period for new joinees to just four years. Agniveers – as youths would be called after joining the force – would not get any additional post-retirement benefits either.

The short-term scheme has reverberated through the campaign in the region, with Congress vowing to scrap it and BJP promising a review to offer best opportunities to youngsters. The other candidates — JJP’s Rahul Yadav Fazilpuria, Vijay Khatana of BSP and Sorab Khan of INLD — failed to make any impact. Singer Fazilpuria got 13,278 votes, Khatana bagged 8,946 and Khan garnered 4,917 votes. In 2019, Rao Inderjit had secured 8.8 lakh votes or 61% of the total from Gurgaon. He defeated Congress’s Captain Ajay Singh Yadav, who received 4.9 lakh votes.

In the 2014 election, when Inderjit quit Congress and joined BJP, he trounced Zakir Hussain of INLD by 2.7 lakh votes, which was over 20% of the total votes in the seat. That year, BJP secured a vote share of 48.8% in the seat.

NARROWING GAP: Inderjit secured 75,079 votes more than his rival

BJP’s Gurjar makes it a three-peat in Faridabad

Vishakha.Chaman@timesgroup.com

Faridabad: BJP candidate Krishan Pal Gurjar secured a third consecutive victory in the Lok Sabha elections, defeating Mahender Pratap Singh of Congress by a margin of 1,72,914 votes. From the outset, Gurjar maintained a steady lead throughout the counting process, emerging victorious with a total of 7,88,569 votes, while his main rival Singh secured 6,15,655 votes, which accounted for 41.8% of the total votes cast.

However, compared to his resounding victory in 2019 – when he won by 6,38,239 votes – the incumbent MP’s winning margin witnessed a significant decline. His vote share dropped from an impressive 68.68% in 2019 elections to 53.6% in the 2024 contest. Gurjar (67) had won the 2014 elections by a margin of 4.6 lakh votes. Faridabad seat covers two districts, Faridabad and Palwal. The nine assembly segments include Hathin, Hodal, Palwal, Prithla, Faridabad NIT, Badkhal, Faridabad, Ballabgarh and Tigaon.

People have voted for development and good governance, Gurjar said, adding he is committed to delivering on these promises. “As I embark on my third term, I pledge to work to address the needs and aspirations of people. I will dedicate myself to implementing initiatives that improve the lives of every citizen, ensuring that no one is left behind,” he said.

Cong wins 5 seats; farmers’ discontent and Agnipath take a toll on BJP’s tally Vinay Gupta

VICTORY BEATS: BJP supporters celebrate Rao Inderjit’s win in Gurgaon

Bagish.Jha@timesgroup.com

Gurgaon: BJP lost considerable ground in the state – failing to replicate its performance in 2014 and 2019, when it bagged all 10 seats – but managed to hold on to the three south Haryana constituencies of Gurgaon, Faridabad, and Bhiwani-Mahendragarh.

Congress gave BJP a tough fight, winning 5 seats – Rohtak, Hisar, Sirsa, Ambala and Sonipat. Apart from the three seats in the south, BJP secured Karnal and Kurukshetra in the north.

While BJP managed to retain the three south Haryana seats, its victory margin nosedived. Rao Inderjit Singh of BJP defeated Congress candidate Raj Babbar by 75,079 votes in Gurgaon. In 2019, Rao Inderjit had trounced Congress’s Ajay Singh Yadav by 3.9 lakh votes.

In Bhiwani-Mahendragarh, Chaudhary Dharambir Singh won against Congress’s Rao Dan Singh by 41,510 votes. In 2019, he had won by a margin of 4.4 lakh votes against Congress rival Shruti Chaudhary.

In Faridabad, Krishan Pal Gurjar won by more than 1.7 lakh votes against Mahender Pratap Singh of Congress. In the last election, Gurjar had defeated Congress’s Avtar Singh Bhadana by 6.4 lakh votes.

Despite an apparent dis- content against local MPs, BJP had decided to go ahead with old-timers in south Haryana – Rao Inderjit from Gurgaon, Gurjar in Faridabad, and Dharambir Singh from BhiwaniMahendragarh. They were among 4 sitting MPs across the state on whom the party had reposed faith.

BJP candidate Arvind Sharma, who had won from Rohtak the last time, lost by 3.4 lakh votes against Deepender Singh Hooda, the son of Congress veteran and former CM Bhupinder Singh Hooda.

So, what went against BJP this time?

Sources in the party admitted there was a discontent among people against the state govt, particularly among farmers and members of the Jat community.

“Yes, farmers and rural voters drifted away from the party, but those in urban areas aligned with us. Urban voters played a big role in BJP’s win in Gurgaon and Faridabad,” said a BJP functionary.

Agnipath, the govt’s shortterm Army recruitment scheme that left many youths unhappy because of the re- duced job tenure, also had an impact on the results.

In Kosi – which is in Rewari but part of the Rohtak Lok Sabha seat – Congress bagged a lead of a few thousand votes this time. In 2019, Kosi had voted overwhelmingly for BJP.

Arvind Saini, the media in-charge of BJP in the state, accused the opposition parties of spreading a false narrative against the govt.

“Despite all of this, we retained half the seats after being in power for 10 years,” he added.

It’s a hat-trick for Sharma in GB Nagar, victory margin of 5.6L biggest in state

IT GETS BETTER: Mahesh Sharma meets supporters after the win

BJP GAINS IN NCR EVEN AS PARTY LOSES GRIP IN UP

Shafaque.Alam@timesgroup.com

Noida: BJP’s Mahesh Sharma secured his third win from Gautam Budh Nagar, leading by a margin of 5.6 lakh votes – the highest among the 80 seats in UP and over three times the 1.5 lakh victory margin of Prime Minister Narendra Modi from Varanasi.

Sharma secured 8.6 lakh votes, about 59.7% of the 1,437,244 votes cast in the NCR constituency, to better his performances in the last two elections — he won the Lok Sabha polls by a margin of 2.8 lakh votes in 2014 and by 3.4 lakh votes in 2019.

SP’s Mahendra Nagar finished second with nearly 3 lakh votes, which is 20.8% of the vote share, while BSP’s RS Solanki bagged 2.5 lakh votes (17.5%). Twelve other candidates, including four Independents, were in the fray but none of them could garner more than 4,000 votes. NOTA accounted for fourth largest share of votes at 10,324.

Sharma maintained a consistent lead since the counting began. Till 10 am, he had cornered 73,925 votes compared to Nagar’s 27,279 and Solanki’s 18,108. By noon, Sharma’s margin widened to 3.3 lakh, while Nagar was still at 1.15 lakh and Solanki at 78,682. By 5 pm, Sharma took a formidable lead of more than 5 lakh votes.

Sharma’s win underscores his firm hold in the region and highlights the sustained support for the BJP in both urban and semi-urban areas.

Sharma told TOI that the huge victory margin reflected the love and affection the people showered on him.

“I congratulate the people and party workers for their unprecedented love and support for letting the lotus (the party’s symbol) bloom under the able leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. I am overwhelmed by your love and affection. We will together make a strong and developed Gautam Budh Nagar,” he posted on X (formerly Twitter).

Sharma began his political journey as a grassroots worker but rose through the ranks quickly. He contested the Lok Sabha election from GB Nagar in 2009 and secured 2.3 lakh votes but lost to BSP’s Surendra Nagar by 16,000 votes. In 2012, he won the assembly elections from Noida with 77,226 votes, defeating BSP’s Omdutt Sharma, who secured 49,582 votes.

In 2014, riding the ‘Modi wave’, Sharma cornered 5,99,702 votes, defeating SP’s Narendra Bhati, who garnered over 3 lakh votes. Sharma served as the MoS (independent) culture and tourism in Narendra Modi’s cabinet.

In 2019, Sharma was polled 8,30,812 votes to defeat his nearest rival, BSP’s Satveer Nagar, by a 3.4 lakh margin.

SP’s national spokesperson Pradeep Bhati said despite the party’s poor show in GB Nagar, it made gains across UP — with 37 seats, SP put its best Lok Sabha performance in the state, while Congress won six seats (its vote share rising from 6.5% to nearly 10%.“The INDIA alliance has got a lot of support from people who are badly affected by the policies of the Modi govt. It will not be easy for the BJP to form the govt,” Bhati said.

Saffron run unbroken in Gzb as Garg cruises: ‘Faced dissent, misinformation but all well now’

NO SURPRISES

Abhijay.Jha@timesgroup.com

Ghaziabad:BJP’s Atul Garg defeated his nearest rival – Dolly Sharma of Congress – by a margin of over 3.3 lakh votes, securing over 58% of the total votes polled.

It’s also the party’s third biggest victory margin in the state after Mahesh Sharma’s 5.6 lakh from GB Nagar and Rahul Gandhi’s 3.9 lakh from Rae Bareli.

This marked the fourth consecutive win for BJP in Ghaziabad, considered a “safe seat” for the party.

Since 2009, when Ghaziabad was carved out of Hapur after delimitation, BJP has never lost a general election from there.

Garg (66), who has held the Ghaziabad assembly seat twice — in 2017 and 2022 — thanked party workers and PM Modi, who held a roadshow in the city to campaign for him.

“Through my campaign, I kept telling the electorate that I am seeking votes in the name of Narendra Modi. I owe my victory to Modi ji and party workers,” he said.

Garg – who replaced VK Singh as the candidate this time – said he faced a lot of discontent among voters, particularly among the Rajputs who were unhappy with the party as few members from the community were given tickets.

“This win is personally relieving for me. A lot of misinformation was spread against me by the opposition. I battled dissent as well. But as they say, all’s well that ends well. NDA, under Modi ji, is set to create history by forming the govt the third time in a row,” he added.

Garg, who maintained his lead from the first round itself, bagged 8.5 lakh votes by the end of the 62nd round. Dolly Sharma of Congress – the INDIA Bloc candidate – secured 5.2 lakh votes. She secured 35.2% of the total votes polled while Garg bagged over 58%.

“Honestly speaking, I was hopeful of a win this time. I had worked hard for it. But even in defeat, I can say this is Congress’s best performance in years. It was a battle wellfought,” she said.

In the last Lok Sabha polls of 2019, Sharma managed just 7% of the votes polled and lost to VK Singh, emerging third.

BSP’s Nand Kishor Pundir ended up with a little over 75,000 votes.

“At least we tried. The final verdict, however, rests with ‘janta janardan’. We respect their decision,” he said.

Apart from BJP, Congress and BSP candidates, there were 11 more nominees in the fray from the seat.

At 0.47%, their combined vote share was even lower than that of NOTA, which accounted for 0.5% of the total votes polled. All of them had their deposits forfeited.

Change Rides On SP’s Cycle

SP-Cong Bag 43, Limit BJP+ To Just 36; BSP Decimated

TEAM TOI

Lucknow: In a stunning setback to NDA in UP, SP-Congress combine won 43 Lok Sabha seats, restricting BJP and its allies to just 36 which was a loss of 28 seats compared to the 64 seats that NDA won in 2019. BJP vote share dropped from 49.97% in 2019 to just over 41% this time.

SP and Congress won 37 and 6 seats, respectively — a significant rise of 37 seats than in 2019 when the two had together won six seats.

Smriti Irani was among the seven Union ministers who lost in the state. Irani’s loss to Gandhi family loyalist KL Sharma in Amethi by a margin of over 1.6 lakh votes evinced keen interest as she had defeated Rahul Gandhi in this seat last time by over 55,000 votes. While PM Narendra Modi and defence minister Rajnath Singh saw their victory margins falling, Rahul won by over 3.9 lakh votes. SP won all five seats from where members of the Yadav first family contested — Kannauj (Akhilesh Yadav), Mainpuri (Dimple Yadav), Badaun (Aditya Yadav), Farrukhabad (Akshay Yadav) and Azam- garh (Dharmendra Yadav).

SP’s emphatic win was a perceptible increase compared to 2019 when the party, in alliance with BSP, could win only five seats.

Congress, too, sprung a surprise by winning six seats including both its stronghold of Rae Bareli and Amethi. Congress also won from Saharanpur after a gap of 40 years.

Nagina was won by Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) chief Chandrashekhar Azad, in a development that endorsed his political rise in west UP. At the same time, Mayawati-led BSP faced a complete decimation with its vote share dipping from over 19% in 2019 to just around 9% this time, turning the spotlight back on the Dalit outfit’s sharply plunging political relevance in UP.

BJP ally RLD managed to win its two seats of Baghpat and Bijnor, thereby coming back to national politics after its two consecutive decimations in the previous two Lok Sabha polls at the hands BJP.

But BJP’s other ally Apna Dal could retain only one seat, Mirzapur, from where Union minister Anupriya Patel won. Two other allies, SPSP and NISHAD party, lost in Ghosi and Sant Kabir Nagar, respectively.

SP vote share increased from 18.11% in 2019 — it had then contested on 37 seats — to over 33% this time when it contested on 62 seats. The increase was essentially because of the comprehensive consolidation of Muslims behind the alliance. SP is also reported to have received the support of a section of OBCs and Dalits who had drifted away from BSP and BJP.

SP’s significantly improved tally bolstered its position as BJP’s main rival in Uttar Pradesh, in what could potentially set a poll narrative in the run-up to the 2027 UP polls.

THE GAME CHANGERS

Minority report: 4/4 for SP’s Muslim picks

TEAMTOI

Lucknow: All four Samajwadi Party (SP) Muslim candidates fielded came out with flying colours despite facing tough BJP competition as the community voted en bloc in favour of the Akhilesh Yadavled party as well as his INDIA ally Congress.

SP fielded just four Muslims in a bid to shrug off its image as a party of Muslims and Yadavs (MY). This was against 20 put into the fray by BSP. The pattern was so stark that the 20 BSP candidates not only failed to win but managed to get a very small share of votes. The four SP Muslim winners were Iqra Hasan (Kairana), Mohinullah Nadvi (Rampur), Zia Ur Rehman (Sambhal) and Afzal Ansari (Ghazipur).

The outcome this time is a far cry from not too long ago when Muslims were seen as a deciding factor on at least a dozen seats of BJP-governed UP’s 80 Lok Sabha seats.

Then came a stage when BJP managed to bring most castes under Hindutva umbrella, rendering minorities’ votes almost redundant. The state’s 19% Muslim popula- tion was regarded by many as fragmented “tactical voters” who would vote for anyone in a position to defeat the saffron party.

That pattern has snapped this time, with Muslims managing to break the two moulds and voting as a homogeneous entity for SP and INDIA bloc, irrespective of the candidate.

As per the exit polls assessments available in public domain, 87% of the Muslim votes polled went to the INDIA bloc across the state which reflected a massive increase of 38% from 2019 polls. Most of these voters — 34% to be precise — were those who voted for BSP in the last parliamentary polls. The exit polls found that only 2% of the Muslim votes went to BSP, down from 36% in 2019. The exit poll has also found that against the 12% Muslim votes that went to BJP in the last Lok Sabha elections, this time only 6% went to the saffron party.

BJP made Muslims a large part of its 2024 Lok Sabha campaign, with various party leaders and even Prime Minister Narendra Modi asking the community to vote keeping in mind the future of the generations to come. In UP, the coming together of Congress and SP worked to consolidate the community votes in a big way. The growing perception in the community that Mayawati had sided with BJP, only helped the opposition alliance better.

In 2019 LS polls, 6 Muslims made it to Parliament, three of whom were from Mayawati’s party —Danish Ali (Amroha: BSP), Afzal Anasari (Ghazipur: BSP) and Fazlur Rehman (Saharanpur: BSP).

It’s a five-star performance by BJP, and a hat-trick too

TEAMTOI

Dehradun:

With a hat-trick of wins in Lok Sabha polls in Uttarakhand, BJP has consolidated its position further in the Himalayan state. It registered comfortable wins in all five seats of Garhwal, Haridwar, Nainital-Udham Singh Nagar, Tehri Garhwal and Almora.

In particular, the clinching of two crucial seats of Hari- dwar and Garhwal, where exCM Trivendra Singh Rawat and BJP’s national spokesperson Anil Baluni were in the fray respectively, is being considered by analysts as the highlights of the win this time since Baluni was up against former state Congress chief Ganesh Godiyal (who put up a good fight) while Trivendra battled it out against ex-CM Harish Rawat’s son Virender whose campaign was largely helmed by his father.

HILL STATES DO NOT CHANGE COLOUR

Kings & queen in all 4 HP seats swear by saffron

TEAM TOI

Shimla: The “Modi factor” appears to have done the trick once again for BJP in Himachal Pradesh, making it a hattrick of victories for the party in all four Lok Sabha seats.

After failing to open its account in the 2014 and 2019 LS polls, the governing Congress’s hopes of victory were dashed a third time.

Despite both the CM and deputy CM being from Hamirpur, Congress could not win this LS seat, nor could it win Shimla seat despite half the cabinet hailing from here.

Failure to pit a strong candidate against BJP’s Anurag Thakur, who was contesting his fifth consecutive election from Hamirpur Lok Sabha seat, cost the governing party.

Congress had initially planned to field deputy CM Mukesh Agnihotri and his daughter, Aastha Agnihotri, but they refused, citing family reasons. There was also speculation that CM Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu’s wife would contest, but the party finally settled on former Una MLA Satpal Raizada.

Congress’s attempt to make Agniveer, the old pension scheme and expansion of the rail network as election issues did not help it against BJP.

Saffron candidate Kangana Ranaut won in Mandi. Congress politicians had targeted her on the “beef” issue but it seems BJP’s slogan “Mandi ki Beti” and Modi’s defence of her worked in her favour, as did support from women voters.

Congress candidate and state PWD minister Vikramaditya Singh, son of the late former CM Virbhadra Singh and state Congress president Pratibha Singh, could not cash in on the “royal” factor or developmental works carried out by his late father in Mandi Lok Sabha area.

BJP had relied on sitting MP Suresh Kashyap by fielding him once again from Shimla, while Congress had fielded Kasauli MLA Vinod Sultanpuri, whose father, the late KD Sultanpuri, had won this seat six times. But Kashyap managed to win.

In Kangra, after BJP denied a ticket to sitting MP Kishan Kapoor, who had won the 2019 LS election by 4,77,623 votes, and fielded Rajeev Bhardwaj from this seat, Congress was hoping to win and had fielded former Union minister Anand Sharma. But BJP managed to counter Sharma by projecting Bhardwaj as a “son of the soil”. Kangra’s voters were also not happy with the representation of the constituency in govt.

With 11 seats, desert state helps INDIA quench thirst

T EAM TOI

Jaipur: Rajasthan’s Lok Sabha mandate Tuesday defied predictions to dash BJP’s hopes of making a clean sweep of the desert state’s 25 Lok Sabha seats for the third consecutive election.

Congress, along with its INDIA bloc partners, won 11 seats to not only dent BJP’s ambitions but also prove wrong exit poll projections that had given the saffron party around 20 seats.

While BJP was restricted to 14 seats, Congress snagged eight, just over six months after the saffron party unseated the erstwhile the Ashok Gehlot govt in the assembly polls. INDIA bloc partners won in Sikar (CPM’s Amra Ram), Banswara (BAP’s Rajkumar Roat) and Nagaur (RLP’s Hanuman Beniwal).

BJP’s vote share dipped from 59.1% in 2019 to 49.2%, reflecting the party’s sudden slide after a strong showing in the assembly polls.

Anti-incumbency against sitting MPs, the supposedly underwhelming performance of the new state govt and Congress’s poll campaign focused on safeguarding the Constitution and SC-ST reservations are being cited as the decisive factors in the poll.

Victory margins of Congress in six of the eight seats it won was less than a lakh votes each. Also, most of the seats that Congress and its allies won had voted in Phase-I on April 19.

Among the Phase-II seats, which went to polls on April 26, Congress won Tonk-Sawai Madhopur and Barmer, while BAP got Banswara. PM Modi’s “mangalsutra” remark criticising Congress’s wealth redistribution promise was first heard at a rally in Banswara on April 24.

Union minister Kailash Choudhary lost badly from Barmer, finishing third. Congress candidate Ummedaram Beniwal defeated independent candidate and sitting Sheo MLA Ravindra Singh Bhati by 1.2 lakh votes from here.

Union ministers Bhupendra Yadav (Alwar) and Arjun Ram Meghwal (Bikaner) won by slim margins, while Gajendra Singh Shekhawat (Jodhpur) recorded a convincing victory by 1.1 lakh votes. Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla won Kota by around 42,000 votes.

BJP’s loss in Bharatpur, which is CM Bhajan Lal Sharma’s home turf, left the saffron brigade perplexed. There, Congress greenhorn Sanjana Jatav defeated former MP Ramswaroop Koli of BJP by nearly 52,000 votes.

East Rajasthan saw a strong performance from Congress. The party also did well in north and northeast Rajasthan, winning Ganganagar, Churu and Jhunjhunu. In west Rajasthan, Con- gress won Barmer, but former CM Gehlot’s son, Vaibhav, lost Jalore by over 2 lakh votes.

BJP’s Mahima Kumari Mewar had the biggest win margin, defeating Congress’s Damodar Gurjar by 3.9 lakh votes in Rajsamand. The closest contest was for Jaipur Rural, where BJP’s Rao Rajendra Singh defeated Congress’s Anil Chopra by 1,615 votes.

Ex-CM Gehlot wrote on X, “The first phase of voting in Rajasthan sent a message to the entire country that the dictatorial nature of this government can be fought against. The wave that started in the first phase in Rajasthan reached the entire country. India alliance winning double digit seats in Rajasthan shows that the public felt that despite good schemes and good governance, BJP misled people and took votes and formed the government (in Rajasthan). I think that as a kind of atonement, the public has taught BJP a lesson (in LS polls).”

29-0: MP healer for BJP, horror for Cong

TEAM TOI

Bhopal: BJP may have suffered a bruising in UP, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, but the party has 29 reasons to celebrate in MP, the original saffron heartland.

BJP’s slogan of “400 paar” had fizzled out by noon on Tuesday, but in MP the call for 29-0 was ringing out loud and clear. Even Congress’ last bastion, Chhindwara, fell. MP has never proven its loyalty to BJP more emphatically. The victory margins said it all — the least was nearly 52,500 (Morena) and the highest was a record 11.7 lakh (Indore).

Indore made another record — 2.18 lakh votes for NOTA. “No choice” turned out to be Indore’s second choice, making up 14% of votes cast.

For CM Mohan Yadav, propelled from the backbenches to the state’s top post, the clean sweep comes as a morale booster. He will take all 29 newly elected party MPs to Delhi early Wednesday morning.

While BJP workers celebrated across MP, there was silence in Congress offices. Never before has Congress been reduced to zero in MP. Its second-rung leaders were routed in the Nov 2023 assembly elections, and now the top leadership has been decimated. Digvijaya Singh, who didn’t want to contest the 2024 election, suffered his second consecutive LS defeat — Bhopal in 2019 and Rajgarh in 2024. Nakul Nath lost Chhindwara, placing the Nath family political legacy at risk. Rumours in Feb of the Naths’ possible switch to BJP — rumours that the father and son took their time denying — seem to have cost them dearly. Former Union minister and Congress’ trib- al face Kantilal Bhuria lost by over 2 lakh votes to BJP newcomer Anita Nagar Singh Chouhan.

“Thank you Chhindwara,” CM Yadav tweeted.

Nath and Digvijaya — Congress’ Jai and Veeru — are not riding into a glorious sunset.

It was a different story for BJP’s stalwarts. From Shivraj Singh Chouhan to Jyotiraditya Scindia and VD Sharma, they won by massive margins.

Chouhan, who was denied a fifth term as CM, won by over 8.2 lakh votes, proving that “Mama” is still BJP’s tallest leader in MP. After such an emphatic win, the BJP brass can longer ignore him. But a Union ministry berth may not be enough for BJP’s longest serving CM, who is a six-time MP and former state party chief.

Union minister Jyotiraditya Scindia has made a comeback in Guna, his family seat, which he had lost to a former aide, KP Yadav, in 2019. BJP denied a ticket to Yadav and Scindia won by over 5.4 lakh votes, the highest ever on this seat. With this victory, he has strengthened his clout in the party he joined four years ago.

For Congress, it’s a soulshattering defeat. Its new state chief, Jitu Patwari, will be walking the razor’s edge. MP sticks out as a sore thumb on a day Congress was celebrating elsewhere.

Guaranteed win? BJP scores 5th straight victory

TEAM TOI

Raipur: Chhattisgarh has never disappointed BJP in Lok Sabha elections. It stood by it yet again on Saturday when the saffron camp was looking for numbers.

While neighbouring MP handed over all 29 seats to BJP, the saffron camp looked headed for victory in 10 of the 11 seats in Chhattisgarh at 9pm, Korba being the lone Congress victory.

BJP has always dominated in parliamentary polls in Chhattisgarh, winning 10 seats each in 2004, 2009 and 2014, and nine in 2019. Now, it’s back to 10.

Chhattisgarh is a healing win for BJP after setbacks in Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, and also puts first-time chief minister Vishnu Deo Sai on a stronger footing. After unseating Congress in the assembly elections in Nov last year, the thumping Lok Sabha election results indicate that Sai, the state’s first tribal CM, has succeeded in consolidating BJP’s position and his own stature in the party.

Building on the momentum of the 2023 assembly polls, BJP won Naxal-hit Bastar and Kanker. In Bastar, BJP’s Mahesh Kashyap defeated former Congress minister Kawasi Lakhma by over 55,000 votes. Kanker went down to the wire and BJP scraped through by 1,884 votes.

BJP’s win in Bastar division is significant because it comes in the wake of the most sustained anti-Maoist offensive in two decades — 118 Maoists have been eliminated in just five months.

Former Congress CM Bhupesh Baghel, too, had to bite the dust in Rajnandgaon. He was trailing by over 44,400 votes against BJP sitting MP Santosh Pandey. On Monday, the eve of results, Baghel had alleged discrepancies in serial numbers of EVMs in Rajnandgaon, saying the numbers given by EC before voting didn’t match with those on Form 17C.

In Raipur, minister Brijmohan Agrawal had an unassailable lead of over 5.2 lakh votes, and in Durg BJP sitting MP Vijay Baghel was leading his Congress rival by 4.2 lakh votes.

CM Sai thanked BJP workers for putting up a winning show. He admitted that NDA didn’t meet expectations in some states but pointed out that it did exceptionally well in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh. “Once again we are going to form govt under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” he said.

“Modi guarantee has resonated across the country. Beneficial schemes of the state and Centre have had a positive impact. Certainly, better results will be achieved in the future,” he said.

State Congress president Deepak Baij acknowledged that the election results in Chhattisgarh did not meet their expectations but drew solace from INDIA bloc’s strong show elsewhere.

Didi’s Double Delight: Weak Centre, Weaker State Oppn

TEAM TOI

Kolkata: Bengal’s voters gave BJP a feeble mandate in 2024 Lok Sabha elections, helping Trinamool Congress (TMC) contain the saffron party largely to its pockets of influence and giving CM Mamata Banerjee the double delight of a weakened Centre and a weaker opposition in the state.

BJP won or led in 12 of 42 seats in Bengal — down from its 2019 tally of 18. Trinamool increased its count from 22 to 29. Congress managed to retain one of its bastions in Malda (South) but, in one of the biggest upsets of this election, old warhorse Adhir Chowdhury lost his Behrampore seat for the first time since 1999 to Trinamool newbie and former Team India cricketer Yusuf Pathan. Left Front, which fought as part of INDIA bloc, repeated its 2019 no-show in Bengal.

Trinamool increased its vote share from 43.7% in 2019 to 45.7%, while both BJP and Congress-LF combine saw theirs sliding. BJP slid from 40.6% to 38.7% and the combined Congress-LF vote share slipped from 13.2% to 10.3% this time.

BJP won Contai and Tamluk in East Midnapore, the home district of its state poll mascot, Suvendu Adhikari, by not-so-impressive margins, but saw two of its three Union ministers lose —

Subhas Sarkar in Bankura and Nisith Pramanik in Coochbehar. The third junior Union minister, Shantanu Thakur, won in Bongaon.

Former state BJP chief Dilip Ghosh, too, lost in Burdwan-Durgapur, where he was shifted just before the election season from his old seat of Midnapore. The party, in the bargain, also lost Midnapore. BJP lost Barrackpore as well, where it fielded Arjun Singh. Voter confusion over his multiple flip-flops and which party he was representing this time may have played a part.

North Bengal and a few isolated pockets like Purulia, Bishnupur and Ranaghat gave BJP some comfort but, everywhere, the margin seemed to be coming down substantially.

Trinamool ticked all the boxes in this election. A large part of its impressive showing came from the support of women voters, who benefited from welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar and Sabuj Sathi. Voters benefiting from Swasthya Sathi played a role, too.

BJP failed in almost all its poll pitches. The Sandeshkhali narrative that it built during the start of the campaign seemed to have come apart after the release of sting videos, which showed local BJP functionaries admitting that women were coached to file rape complaints. BJP lost Basirhat and, more significantly, trailed in Sandeshkhali assembly segment.

Trinamool also thwarted BJP’s CAA-NRC pitch, sow- ing apprehension and confusion among voters over how things would play out after they applied for Indian citizenship under CAA. BJP retained both Ranaghat and Bongaon — where Matuas are a substantial chunk — but appeared to be doing so with reduced margins.

BJP’s last-ditch attempt to play the “appeasement” card against Trinamool failed to make any significant impact. The Bengal campaign of PM Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah started with a focus on development and “Modi ki guarantee”, but changed tracks midway, with an increased glare on Trinamool’s “appeasement” politics. This preempted any chances of a largescale split of Muslim votes between Trinamool and Congress-LF combine. Trinamool would have gained from the resultant Muslim vote consolidation, but there was no substantial Hindu vote consolidation to help BJP.

Trinamool successfully countered the last weapon in BJP’s arsenal — “corruption” in the state administration — with an amplified message to voters that Centre was playing political vendetta in denying the state its share of funds.

TDP, JD(U) won’t break INDIA: Didi

The LS poll results showed PM Modi had lost all credibility, and both he and Union home minister Amit Shah, should “resign on moral grounds”, Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee said on Tuesday.

Extending support to INDIA bloc, she said she would “certainly help” in its bid to form govt. Mamata, however, said she would skip the INDIA bloc meeting on Wednesday.

She mocked BJP, saying the party now has to “beg” TDP and JD(U) to form govt. “I know them (Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar) very well. They won’t break India,” Mamata said. TNN

Manipur & 3 N-E states dump NDA

TEAM TOI

Guwahati: NDA experienced setbacks in the North-east, losing three seats from its 2019 LS tally while Congress saw a resurgence in the region once considered its bastion. Of the seven LS seats Congress won in the region, Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra had traversed through six.

NDA’s biggest dent was in trouble-torn Manipur, where Congress defeated BJP in Meitei-dominated Inner Manipur and its ally NPF in the tribalmajority outer Manipur.

In Mizoram, ZPM wrested the lone seat. In Nagaland, Con- gress trumped NDPP-BJP, winning the lone seat despite not having a single MLA. In Meghalaya, NDA partner NPP lost to Voice of the People Party in Shillong and to Congress in CM Conrad Sangma’s home seat Tura, where his sister and sitting MP Agatha Sangma lost.

Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma blamed leaders of a particular religion for NDA losses in Nagaland and Meghalaya.

Himanta doffs hat to Cong hero Rakibul

TEAM TOI

Guwahati: NDA secured victory in 11 of Assam’s 14 Lok Sabha seats, increasing its tally of 2019 by two, leaving the remaining three for Congress. The election results Tuesday sprang two significant surprises — the exit of AIUDF chief Badruddin Ajmal and the return of regional party and NDA partner AGP to LS after 10 years.

CM Himanta Biswa Sarma said that no party governing Assam had ever won these many Lok Sabha seats in the state. “Not even (former CM) Tarun Gogoi could achieve this feat,” he said.

According to the CM, the biggest victory in the state belonged to Rakibul Hussain of Congress, who defeated Ajmal in Dhubri by 1,012,476 votes. “He has finished with the highest winning margin in the country and so he is the hero of the day,” Sarma said.

BJP’s tally, however, remained stagnant at nine, the same number of seats it had won in 2019. Congress, too, failed to increase its tally of three from the last election.

Sarma said NDA’s overall vote share in the state climbed to nearly 46%, “a huge jump from the 39% we secured in 2019 Lok Sabha and 44% in 2021 assembly elections”. He said: “This we have achieved despite the state having a 40% minority population.”

BJP lost two of the 11 seats it had contested, Nagaon and Jorhat, both going to Congress. BJP’s biggest defeat was in Jorhat where party MP Tapan Gogoi lost to Gaurav Gogoi, son of Tarun Gogoi. Gaurav shifted to Jorhat after his constituency, Koliabor, ceased to exist due to delimitation last year. “This is a victory for democracy and a blessing for young voters,” Gaurav said.

Nine not fine: Single digit for NDA, tribals back INDIA

TEAM TOI

Ranchi: The diminishing Modi magic was reflected in Jharkhand as the BJP-led NDA managed nine Lok Sabha seats out of 14 in the state: BJP won eight and its alliance partner, Ajsu Party, retained its single seat.

The INDIA bloc, on the other hand, increased its tally to five from two in 2019. All the tribal reserved seats went to the INDIA bloc, with analysts saying the ED action against JMM working president and former CM Hemant Soren did not go down well with tribal voters. JMM won Dumka, Singhbhum and Rajmahal seats; it was successful in tapping tribal sentiment as the BJPled govt at the Centre refused to include a separate Sarna Code in the census register.

The Sarna Code refers to a proposal for a separate religious code for tribal communities in India who follow Sarna, or nature worship.

BJP had fielded Shibu Soren’s elder daughter-inlaw, Sita Soren, from Dumka, but she was defeated by JMM’s Nalin Soren by 22,527 votes. In Singhbhum, the saffron party fielded Congress turncoat Geeta Kora but she, too, lost, to JMM’s Joba Majhi, by 1,68,402 votes. The case was the same in Rajmahal where JMM’s Vijay Kumar Hansdak retained the seat, defeating BJP’s Tala Marinade by 1,78,264 votes.

Congress also succeeded in tribal reserved seats — Khunti and Lohardaga, where Kalicharan Munda trounced Union agriculturecum-tribal-welfare minister Arjun Munda by 1,49,675 votes and Sukhdeo Bhagat defeated Samir Oraon by 1,36,427 votes.

BJP’s charisma continue to have effect in the urban pockets of Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Dhanbad, Hazaribag and Godda. It also registered victories in Palamu, Chatra and Koderma, while partner Ajsu Party retained Giridih.

Union junior minister Annapurna Devi was successful, defeating Vinod Singh of CPI (ML) in Koderma by 3,76,240 votes.

For BJP, changing candidates proved expensive as the winning margin, vote share and number of seats dropped in comparison to the previous election.

Written off, Nitish surprises all and equals BJP’s dozen

SONRISE: Chirag (seen here with his mother) proved with his party’s decisive victory that he is the ‘real’ political heir of Ram Vilas Paswan

TEAM TOI

Patna: Bihar CM Nitish Kumar-led JD(U) and BJP registered victories in 12 seats each as NDA won 30 of 40 Lok Sabha constituencies in Bihar, while the opposition INDIA bloc had to be content with nine and an independent won one to wrap up the count on Tuesday.

Among the other NDA partners, Chirag Paswan-led LJP (RV) took five, winning all the seats it contested, while former CM Jitan Ram Manjhi-led HAMS secured victory in one.

NDA lost nine seats compared to 2019, when the alliance steamrolled the opposition to win 39 seats, with Congress winning only Kishanganj. However, BJP had been relatively consistent in the state. The party had won 22 seats in 2014 and all the 17 it contested in 2019.

Among INDIA bloc allies, RJD won four seats, Congress three and CPI-ML (Liberation) two, while Pappu Yadav won in Purnea as an independent. The opposition alliance gained eight seats. This year, Congress added Katihar and Sasaram to its kitty, while retainingKishanganj.

Union ministers Giriraj Singh and Nityanand Rai retained Begusarai and Ujiyarpur seats, respectively, but their central colleague and power minister RK Singh lost his traditional Ara seat to CPI-ML (Liberation)’s Sudama Prasad by around 60,000 votes.

Former CM Manjhi, who heads Hindustani Awam Morcha-Secular, succeeded in making his parliamentary debut at the age of 79, registering victory from the reserved seat of Gaya. However, NDA partner Upendra Kushwaha, a former Union minister who heads Rashtriya Lok Morcha, faced a hu- miliating defeat in Karakat.

LJP (RV) candidate Shambhavi, 25, won by a margin of more than 1.87 lakh votes. During his campaign in Bihar, Modi hailed Shambhavi as the “youngest candidate” in this year’sLS polls.

At least four sitting MLAs — Manjhi (Imamganj), Surendra Yadav (Belaganj), Sudama Prasad (Tarari) and Sudhakar Singh (Ramgarh, Kaimur) — as well as one sitting RS member Misa Bharti has won. This will lead to bypolls to four assembly seats and one RS seat.

Chirag registers 100% strike rate

After over three years of struggle, LJP (Ram Vilas) president Chirag Paswan through his decisive victory has finally proved he is the “real” political heir of his father Ram Vilas Paswan, who died in Oct 2020.By winning all the five LS seats his party was allotted in the NDA alliance, Chirag has not only maintained LJP’s previous track record of keeping 100% strike rate but also established that he is the new Dalit icon on the political landscape of Bihar. In 2019 polls, LJP under Ram Vilas had won all the six seats that were allotted to the party under the seat--sharing pact. Everyone was surprised when BJP allotted five seats to Chirag’s party while sparing none to his rival faction Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party, headed by his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras. TNN

Rudy’s third win against Lalu kin

Former Union minister Rajiv Pratap Rudy scored a hattrick for BJP in Saran by defeating Lalu Prasad’s daughter Rohini Acharya by over 13,000 votes, each time getting the better of a member of RJD chief’s extended family. Neither Rohini — popularly as “kidney girl” for having donated one of her kidneys to her ailing father around two years ago — nor anyone in her circles had anticipated that her poll debut would turn out to be baptism by fire. In 2014, Rudy had defeated Lalu’s wife and former Bihar CM Rabri Devi by 41,000 votes. Five years later, Rudy widened the gap, beating former state minister and RJD nominee Chandrika Rai by nearly 1.4 lakh votes. Rai is the father-in-law of Lalu’s eldest son and ex-minister Tej Pratap Yadav. Lalu had defeated Rudy in 2004 and 2009. TNN

In stunning blow, BJD draws a blank. BJP takes 20, Cong bags the other

TEAM TOI

Bhubaneswar: BJP scored a resounding victory in elections in Odisha, surfing a pro-Modi wave in the state to an unprecedented 20 out of 21 seats. Congress retained Koraput, the only seat that didn’t go BJP’s way.

Not a single BJD candidate won a Lok Sabha seat. In 2019, BJD had won 12 seats and BJP eight. Highlighting the “good work” of the Modi govt, BJP had sought votes for a “double-engine govt” in the simultaneous Odisha assembly and LS polls.

The strategic importance of winning Odisha in PM Modi’s political calculus was evident from his victory speech in Delhi. After exclaiming “Bharat Mata ki Jai”, he followed up with “Jai Jagannath”, highlighting the significance of Odisha in the party’s plans. “It will be for the first time that there will be a BJP CM in the land of Mahaprabhu Lord Jagannath,” he said.

Behind BJP’s success lay its effective campaign strategy that emphasised the im- portance of voting for Modi. The PM had argued in rallies that votes for BJD would go waste due to its lack of national relevance. BJP also banked on Naveen’s “falling health”, “outsourced govt” and anti-incumbency.

“Thank You Odisha... BJP will leave no stone unturned in fulfilling the dreams of the people and taking Odisha to new heights of progress,” Modi said in a post on X.

Analysts said BJD seemed to have lost its independent identity because of its blind support to the Modi dispensation on every initiative.

BJP’s success extended to chief minister Naveen Patnaik’s home district of Ganjam, where the party won both Aska and Berhampur seats. Union minister Dharmendra Pradhan was leading over BJD’s Pranab Prakash Das in Sambalpur by over one lakh votes. Former Union minister Jual Oram was leading former Indian Hockey captain Dilip Tirkey by a similar margin from Sundargarh. In Balasore, former Union minister Pratap Sarangi secured his seat, defeating BJD’s Lekhasri Samanatasinghar, who had recently defected from BJP, by more than one lakh votes.

Kendrapara, known as the “karmabhooomi” of the late Biju Patnaik, also fell into BJP’s kitty, with Baijayant Panda defeating BJD’s Anshuman Mohanty. Pradeep Panigrahy, a former BJD MLA who was expelled from the party, emerged victorious in Berhampur by over 1.6 lakh votes. In another notable contest, BJD veteran Bhartruhari Mahatab, who had joined BJP, defeated Santrupt Misra, a former top executive of the Aditya Birla Group and a political debutant from BJD.

Editorial

- Politics Returns To The Old Normal

- New Reality For Modi Sarkar: Play Nice

- Good Democratic Politics: Create Jobs

- Back To Practical Hinduism

- Heartland’s Caste Consensus

- Why Modi Doesn’t Really Need A Makeover

- Elections That Reminded Netas, People Are The Boss

- Why Congress Is Back But Isn’t Quite There Yet

- Videos Told The Story: It’s Not One Nation, One Pole

Politics Returns To The Old Normal

BJP’s coalition govt must read the verdict right: basics matter

India’s voters can’t be taken for granted. An election where the outcome was widely held to be a foregone conclusion, has given a result with many surprises, overturning many assumptions. None of the takeaways is brand new to Indian politics. But they were quite unexpected in 2024.

End of exceptionalism | After a decade of single-party dominance, which led to successive majority verdicts in elections characterised by a pan-India theme, LS 2024 reverted to an earlier pattern. There wasn’t a single overriding issue that animated the electorate. Neither did candidates fade into near-irrelevance in a presidential type of contest. In that sense, LS polls went back to being normal and should lead to the restoration of democracy’s checks and balances.

Coalitions and allies matter | This is a natural extension of a return to the old way. Smartly constructed alliances worked well for both BJP and Congress. The best examples for the two parties were AP and UP, respectively. Conversely, avoiding an alliance with BJD in Odisha helped BJP cross a frontier in the state.

For the first time since 2009, a new govt will be a coalition. Unlike the last two occasions, allies cannot be brushed aside. They will have a say in critical decisions. Managing inconsistent demands from allies will be a skill that will have to take centre stage again. Therefore, we are now unlikely to see hugely disruptive decisions introducedat short notice. But that doesn’t preclude the likelihood of reforms, as coalition govts earlier have carried out significant changes.

Messaging and reality need to be in sync | A look back at BJP’s campaign shows that the stated target of exceeding 400 seats didn’t age well. Not only did it smack of taking the electorate for granted, but it may have also introduced a sense of complacency. Moreover, it provided opposition a tactical opening to stoke anxieties about the Constitution and reservation. The BJP messaging clearly didn’t hit home. GOI’s jobs data shows that the benefits of high GDP growth have simply not percolated down. When Modi and BJP talked up their performance, it was out of sync with what the electorate was experiencing. If there’s a lesson here, it’s that the messaging needs to be close to ground reality. More so, when there’s no overriding emotive theme.

INDIA’s tactical shrewdness | This was a coalition that seemed to be falling apart in the months leading up to the election. When one of its catalysts, Nitish, suddenly switched over to NDA, it seemed to symbolise the fragility of INDIA. It didn’t help that in Bengal TMC chose to go it alone.

Notwithstanding early setbacks, INDIA played its cards well. In UP it defied all odds. A state that was regarded as BJP’s trump card turned out to be its weakness. That was the case in Maharashtra too, giving INDIA a huge boost in the two largest states. In both states, the alliance played a tactically smart game. It sidestepped BJP’s strength – Modi’s popularity – and stuck to local issues. As the campaign progressed, it began to have a more pronounced effect, and eastern UP turned in big gains for SP.

Welfare and jobs | Welfare packages are now fairly standardised across political parties. Cash transfers to women, concessions on electricity consumption and subsidised or even free cereals are common to most manifestos and state govts. One takeaway from this election is that welfare packages, on their own, do not deliver. One example is AP where YSRCP received a drubbing in assembly and LS elections despite generous welfare measures. Even GOI had an extensive welfare package, underpinned by free cereals since 2020.

Voters have clearly indicated that jobs and economic aspirations matter. India’s macroeconomic parameters are sound, and its economy is growing fast. However, unless this translates into greater opportunity for a burgeoning youth population and a belief that upward mobility is within grasp, a party in govt will be in trouble. The economic message from the results is that jobs matter.

New Reality For Modi Sarkar: Play Nice

R JAGANNATHAN

Lok Sabha elections have given BJP-led NDA aweak mandate to govern. BJP has received itsbiggest jolt since 2014, having been humbled inits bastion of UP and many other sub-regionsof west and north India. It no longer has amajority of its own, brought down by its own hubris.Gains elsewhere were not enough to compensate for thelosses in its strongholds.

The second big losers are the exit pollsters, who clearly suffered from confirmation biases and got their numbers badly wrong. In particular, their projections in UP, Maharashtra and Bengal were way off the mark. The other losers are candidates who did not belong to either BJP or opposition alliances. Gains made by INDIA bloc came not just at the cost of BJP but also third party candidates. India has become a two-front polity once more, as it was between 1998 and 2014, even though BJP has expanded its core vote base under Modi.

But the big reality is reputational damage done to Modi. In a party used to giving him all credit for victories in the past, BJP’s inability to even get a simple majority of its own cannot but weaken him politically, both inside his own party and in NDA. He cannot now govern with a PMO-centred decision-making apparatus. Of course, there is a chance that many new MPs (and smaller parties) can be enticed into BJP to give it more comfortable numbers in Parliament, but these numbers will be unstable.

Congress and its alliance parties will be cock-ahoop, having finally broken the jinx of the last decade and scoring wins in many parts of north and west India, including Haryana, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and UP. Mamata Banerjee’s TMC has delivered a huge defeat to BJP in Bengal. AAP will be less thrilled, having had to cede seats to its ‘ally’ Congress in Punjab. A resurgent SP will emerge as a big challenger to BJP in UP, posing problems for the double-engine sarkar.

Consolation prizes for BJP came from Telangana and Odisha. Seat gains in Andhra Pradesh were largely because it made the right decision to ally with TDP and Jana Sena, while mere vote share gains in Kerala and Tamil Nadu suggest that it is still not quite among the top contenders there.

Clearly, BJP was too cocky, but it also made huge errors of commission. While it was quick to grab allies, even by splitting parties, the only ally who won big was Naidu in Andhra along with Jana Sena. It is worth noting that, till the last moment, BJP was hesitant to join this alliance. As for the parties it broke –

Shiv Sena and NCP in Maharashtra – this has dented BJP’s own credibility. Clearly, electorate is not amused by tod-phodpolitics.

The defining trend in this general election, both at Parliament and assembly levels, seems to be anti-incumbency. BJP correctly anticipated that it would need allies this time, but it was too cocksure and took many voter blocs, including the beneficiaries of its welfare schemes, for granted. Incumbents in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh too assumed that they were unbeatable, and here it was BJP and its allies who benefited.

The humbling of BJP in its core areas of strength means that in his third term, Modi will have to adjust to the reality of coalition politics. Both Naidu and Nitish will need to be kept in good humour, and major legislative changes cannot be done without a wider consensus not only among allies, but also among opposition. We can forget about One Nation One Poll, Uniform Civil Code and big-ticket economic reforms. Opposition will now be less likely to play dead, both in Parliament and in states.

The lessons BJP needs to learn are many.

● First, it is wrong to assume that just because Modi is popular, he will always carry the day. India is too diverse and an average voter too independent to allow anyone to rest on his laurels. Every leader, every party has to work hard, and even then victory is not assured.

● Second, BJP has to build more local leaders, and the decision to sideline someone like Vasundhara Raje in Rajasthan surely cost it big. While UP results suggest that Yogi Adityanath also needs to introspect, many party insiders believe that Yogi may have been circumscribed by higher powers in Delhi who see his rise as a threat to their own standing post-Modi.

● Third, events like the Ram Mandir pran prathistha can help the party in a limited way among core voters, but for the wider electorate, bread-and-butter issues matter more. We cannot at this point estimate whether the lack of freebies from BJP – unlike Congress, which has promised the moon to youth and women – cost it many votes. Free ration of 5kg rice clearly was not enough. Jobs may have mattered more this time. In contrast, in 2019, when BJP was uncertain about victory, it made concessions to taxpayers and farmers just before the elections. This time, the party assumed that Modi’s guarantee alone would be enough. It wasn’t.

● Fourth, party has to introspect on whether it can afford to base electoral calculations only on a consolidation of Hindu vote. This time, Muslims seem to have fully backed any party capable of beating BJP, and the Hindu counter-consolidation was not as strong.

For Congress, the lessons are positive. Its stubborn opposition to BJP has finally paid dividends, and both Rahul Gandhi and his allies, mainly in UP, have reasons to rejoice. Additionally, the old strategy of relying heavily on minority votes and dividing the majority community with sharply targeted welfarist schemes has worked this time. But Congress does owe an apology for the kind of calumny it heaped on EC.

Overall, this election proves once more that most elections are won in the states, and not nationally.

Good Democratic Politics: Create Jobs

NARENDAR PANI

High on the list of consequences of BJP returning to being dependent on a coalition, rather than having a majority of its own, would be the pressures on the economic front.

Ever since the liberalisation of the 1990s, conventional wisdom has been that economic policy needs to focus entirely on growth. Economists associated with govt have often explicitly argued that inequality does not matter as long as there is sufficient growth to take the poor above the poverty line. The 2024 general election results provide the first concrete challenge to that view.

The idea that high growth would provide the resources to take care of the interests of those at the base of the pyramid did not begin with BJP govts. It gathered momentum with the decision of UPA 1 to launch the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee scheme. BJP provided further impetus to this approach by using the revenue from unequal growth to provide free food and other welfare measures.

This approach did bring an increasing share of Indians above the poverty line defined by economists, but the poverty line in the minds of the poor began to change. As the country celebrated extremely high levels of consumption, it raised the aspirations of those at the bottom of the pyramid.

Rahul Gandhi, in his first successful political initiative, spotted the dissatisfaction with the measures that merely raised the poor above the poverty line. The guarantees of Congress went far beyond tackling absolute poverty. He not only promised higher cash transfers but, in states like Karnataka, the idea of free bus travel for women dramatically altered their relationship with the world outside their homes.

The promises of INDIA have not been enough to remove PM Modi and his politics of majority dominance at home and Indian dominance of the world, but the performance of the alliance suggests that the rising aspirations of the poor can no longer be easily brushed aside. The next BJP govt will be under pressure to, if not match some of the cash transfers that INDIA promised, at least make economic policy more sensitive to inequality.

To begin with, the dependence on regional party allies could well result in regional inequality gaining more attention than it has had in decades. The growth-with-inequality strategy led to the creation of a few metropolises that were too expensive to house less skilled labour and their families.

This resulted in the workers being forced to migrate for short-term assignments in the city while keeping their families in their villages. Their efforts to earn in cities so that they could spend in villages took atoll on their health and family lives. This cost was accepted as the earnings from the city changed their status in the village. Once their status changed, though, they wanted jobs closer to their homes. Unemployment became an issue that affected their votes.

Addressing the unemployment challenge has been made more difficult by the political narrative that emerged from the growth-with-inequality strategy. The welfare measures it used to offset the political costs of the strategy created their own narrative. These measures were seen as an individual’s right, which had to be protected by govt. The impression was thus easily created that the jobs that were being promised would be govt jobs.

The expectation of govt jobs may well encourage regional allies to demand large payouts from the Centre. It does not help that BJP govt would be dependent on support from Naidu and Nitish, both of whom represent states that have long-standing demands from Centre. Andhra Pradesh had been promised a substantial grant when the original state was divided, and Bihar had been promised a special grant. These grants could generate govt jobs, but they would fall far short of the numbers needed to make a serious dent in unemployment.

Beyond the quick fixes of central grants, the challenge of employment generation would require a fresh look at investment strategies. The current emphasis on attracting global capital, or Indian capital with a global presence, may not be effective, as this capital tends to prefer economies dominated by larger metropolises. The two states that have gained political significance from the 2024 election results – Andhra Pradesh and Bihar – do not have any of the country’s major metropolises in them.

It may be time to consider alternative patterns of industrialisation that are not only more effective in generating employment but can also be located at urban centres that are more hospitable to less skilled workers. Such an approach may also require greater reliance on the accumulation of local capital, rather than depending on attracting capital from outside. If the results of 2024 do generate such an alternative economic strategy, the return of coalitions may not be such a bad outcome.

Back To Practical Hinduism

ANASTASIA PILIAVSKY

Just as pundits settled into the comfort of magical thinking – faith in Modi’s charisma and grand national narratives – India’s voters have given us a lesson in political realism. While the digital classes in Delhi and Bengaluru cheered the moon landing and the G20 summit, and the magnates in Gujarat celebrated the temple in Ayodhya, other matters have been on the minds of people in deep India.

India’s swelling GDP and its new status as the world’s fifth largest economy have been closely tracked by soaring unemployment, which has risen from 3.2% to 7.6% since 2013. This contrast reflects the gulf between the benefits of Modi’s economics for the rich and the poor.

India’s banks are no longer crippled by bankrupt billionaires, foreign investment has acquired confidence. While physical and digital infra, from airports to the digitisation of money, have expanded, life choices of the country’s poorest and most vulnerable have shrunk. Crores of India’s farmers and migrant workers have been left behind.

Lakhs of small and tiny, often greymarket, businesses that run day-to-day India and form the country’seconomic backbone, are still recovering from demonetisation and GST policies. The small-enterprise sector has shrunk to 19% of India’s GDP, from 27.5% pre-Modi. While inflation soars, there has hardly been any growth in real wages since 2014 and the share of educated young people among the unemployed rose from 54.2% to 65.7% over the two Covid years.

Manufacturing growth is painstakingly slow, agri profits have fallen precipitously, private consumption expenditure descended to a two-decade low, while household debt rose to an all-time high. According to World Inequality Database, India’s economic inequality is worse than it has been in a century.

While pundits brooded over political messaging and national ideologies, predicting a Modi-4-eva govt, voters in the fields and on the streets were rethinking their loyalties. Modi rode high on hope with two wildcards he received in the previous elections. This year, he was judged less on his promises than on what he has already done.

The verdict does not only damn Modinomics, it drastically cuts his image to size. Ensconced in a bubble of media pundits, political technologists and sycophants, critics say the PM has become an auto-devotee, believing himself divinely ordained to lead single-handedly the new Bharat. Ignoring local leaders, failing to reward veteran party workers and sidelining RSS have cost the party dozens of seats. Seats won in UP, Kerala, Odisha and Rajasthan went to known and trusted community leaders, not Modi’s envoys.

Modi’s polarising comments, arguably made when he realised this election will not be an easy ride, may have backfired, leaving many Hindus unimpressed. “India does not need to talk of Hindus and Muslims,” says a chaiwallah in Jaipur, “We need roads and jobs.”

In a survey conducted across Indian cities, 35% of BJP supporters said they had no interest in Ayodhya. Even the middle-class Hindu women, who, as the keepers of faith, are more susceptible to Hindu nationalism, joined the party mostly through economic self-help groups, not theological associations.

Once again, India rejected totalising, abstract national ideologies, proving its politics to be as local, pragmatic and pluralistic as the Hinduism actually practised by most. Its political judgments have proven more agile and self-possessed than any sitting-room analyst’s.

Heartland’s Caste Consensus

UDAY CHANDRA

Lok Sabha results show caste retains its salience in north Indian politics – but in new, unpredictable ways. Before examining what’s new, a look at what lingers from the past. One, dominant castes of north India continue to strongly prefer BJP, which remains a Brahmin-Bania party at the core. Second, peasant groups in UP and Bihar still prefer regional OBC-led parties. Third, Dalit voters continue to be split between the incumbent in New Delhi and small regional parties.

But beyond these, much has changed.

BJP has shown over the past decade that it can create broad-based caste coalitions threading together the top, middle, and bottom of Hindu society. Rajputs and Jats and OBCSC/ST voters endorsed Modi as primus inter pares. This was more than social engineering. Long-standing blocs of jatiscould be disaggregated, and recombined into successful electoral coalitions. Both winners and losers in electoral politics would receive the same spoils of state welfare as the labharthi (beneficiaries). As India experimented with universal welfare, more and more jatis could be enticed onto the merry-go-round.

But if BJP could do it, so could opposition. In UP, particularly in its central and eastern flanks, SP abandoned its focus on Yadavs and Muslims, to award seats to Dalits according to its PDA – pichda (backward), Dalit, alpasankhya (minority) – strategy. Many Jatavs, Mayawati’s supporters for over three decades, credibly believed a ‘danger to the Constitution’ obliged them to vote against BJP. As a result, BSP drew a blank even in western UP.

Anti-BJP votes consolidated behind INDIA parties. Just as a broad neo-Hindutva coalition worked for BJP, a new socialism (samajwad) rooted in the messy everyday realities of caste and class spelt success for the SP-led INDIA coalition in UP.

In Bihar, alliances of middle and lower castes have kept Lalu and Nitish in power since 1990. Yet the BJP-JDU coalition signalled a new trend: Brahmins, Bhumihars, and Rajputs could, after decades, band with Kurmis, Koeris, and Kushwahas. With Paswan’s LJP joining NDA, a significant proportion of SC votes consolidated behind the neo-Hindu coalition.

In practice, this is a shifting social kaleidoscope more than a coalition – when the wily Nitish left NDA to join hands with RJD and Congress in the state, a caste census and a new welfare drive emerged. Every time he returned to NDA, predictably before national elections, he ensured BJP voters rallied behind JDU candidates, and boosted his party’s tally in Parliament.

In Bihar, RJD will learn from SP’s successes in UP. With state elections next year, Tejashwi will look to woo Dalits and non-Yadav OBCs, who may have voted NDA this time. But for now, RJD and its allies have fared poorly. JDU has recorded its best LS performance since 2009, emerging as Bihar’s singlelargest party.

But if Nitish now rejoins INDIA, he can end his political career with a top position in Delhi, leaving next year’s assembly elections as a tantalising bipolar contest between BJP and RJD.

Universal welfare being the new normal in India, savvy voters are choosing carefully between coalitions of Hindutva and samajwad, that offer new public goods. The underserved citizens of India’s northern heartland stand to gain after decades of neglect. Each alliance will woo citizens with higher bids in exchange for votes. A world of possibility lies ahead as the north seeks to catch up with the south.

Why Modi Doesn’t Really Need A Makeover

Over the years, there have been new layers of conventional wisdom that have shaped the punditry on Indian elections.

The first, which has been demonstrated at frequent intervals since the landmark 1977 elections, is that the term ‘safe seat’ is a misnomer in India. The second, also demonstrated over many decades, is that the accuracy of opinion polls is suspect. This election, exit polls have joined this list of non-certitudes.

Premature triumphalism | It’s one thing for a prematurely triumphalist BJP leadership to proclaim its intention of breaching the 400-seat barrier in Lok Sabha – a feat that was only once possible in 1984, and that too under exceptional circumstances.

It’s, however, a different matter to anticipate how the prospect of a steamroller majority after two terms is going to be viewed by the electorate.

Maybe the governing dispensation was misled by the series of opinion polls that suggested a presidential election with one candidate on the ballot. Maybe the expectations of markets were shaped by the optimism of exit polls that suggested an all-India wave for Modi.

Whatever the reality, it was a Black Tuesday for the investing classes, and a grim reality check for BJP activists who had set out in the morning in a celebratory mood.

Stability falls short | Over the past 10 years, since Modi assumed charge, India had got accustomed to not merely stability but dissension-free decision-making at Centre.

By depriving BJP of an outright parliamentary majority on its own and yet giving NDA a comfortable working majority, voters appear to have shunned the decisiveness and certitudes that had become a feature of Modi govt. They have, instead, opted for a greater measure of hesitation and tentativeness, but without embracing the dysfunctionality of INDIA.

Whether this was just a wake-up call to consider the interests of those unable to keep pace with the pace of Viksit Bharat or a larger philosophical message celebrating a plodding approach will have to be assessed by Modi as he looks to begin his third term on a subdued note. How he and his brains-trust assess the election outcome will have a bearing on the immediate future. Yet, for BJP, the election was only a partial disaster. It failed to cross the 272-majority mark because of reverses in UP, Rajasthan, Haryana, and Maharashtra.

In the first three states, it was a failure of governance and an inability to address the concerns of dominant castes and Dalits.

In Maharashtra, the bid to ensure victory by decimating opposition triggered a moral repugnance that a crafty leader like Sharad Pawar was able to use to his advantage.

Corrective: Soft touch | The impression of highhandedness and arrogance doesn’t appear to have served BJP well in this election, and Modi will have to think about a corrective soft touch.

This will also have to involve BJP state units reverting to normal politics and becoming less dependent on investigative agencies.

These distortions must, however, be kept in perspective. Overall, BJP’s performance in its other stronghold areas of northern and western India was exemplary. Its ambition of making a mark in non-traditional areas didn’t entirely succeed in Tamil Nadu, but who could have anticipated the scale of BJP success in Telangana, Odisha and its ability to finally dent the bipolar consensus of Kerala?

Build on Modi Guarantees | There was disappointment in Bengal, a state where Modi had put in an extra effort. However, the defeat hasn’t been at a level to warrant abandoning the project altogether.

Organisational overhaul, a clear line of leadership, and a more culturally nuanced approach could prove to be rewarding for 2026 assembly elections.

The point is that while the Modi Guarantees may have been overwhelmed by the fragmentation of politics in some states, the narrative still holds good in most of the country. Modi remains by far the most popular and acceptable leader, and it’s unlikely that BJP will even consider replacing him with someone who appears more consensual.

Even though some of the more radical facets of his agenda will probably have to be put on the backburner, Modi will be misreading the verdict if he chooses to reinvent himself dramatically.

He will be confronted by an energised Congress ecosystem that wants to go for BJP’s jugular. Media too will become less friendly, if not hostile.

This isn’t an unfamiliar situation. He faced similar challenges as Gujarat CM. How he converts threats into opportunities will channel the nation’s attention in the coming months.

SWAPAN DASGUPTA

Elections That Reminded Netas, People Are The Boss

RAHUL VERMA

The historic mandate that the exit polls had predicted for BJP on Saturday didn’t come through on Tuesday. And, given that BJP has fallen short of a simple majority, all bets about the new govt’s agenda are now off. Because when BJP does form govt, it would be in a coalition where its power is much diminished. Which would mean a diminishing of both party ability to run political manoeuvres and govt ability to make unilateral decisions.

Where BJP has scored | While BJP has taken a massive loss in seats across core states, it has by and large held on to its vote share, and continues its domination of some states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Plus, it has managed to expand its footprint in ‘new’ states such as Odisha, while also increasing its vote share in Kerala and Tamil Nadu. It has performed well with allies in Bihar, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.

Why the setbacks | There is no single theory that can explain all of BJP’s setbacks, as different states have gone in different directions.

● In Maharashtra and UP, its alliance math went wrong, while INDIA stole the march.

● In Haryana, there was antiincumbency; in Rajasthan, internal dissension took a toll. Along with Punjab, these were also farmer-protest affected areas.

● Overall, the party’s electoral dominance has taken a hit. Its forward march in Bengal has been stalled for a few more years.

Whither the Modi factor? | BJP’s brawny dominance has hitherto been overdependent on PM’s popularity. But this time, his leadership hasn’t been able to mobilise the votes quite as robustly. This is not to argue that the PM’s appeal doesn’t matter for the party’s performance, but rather that it has to square off with voters’ perception of governance, political freedoms, and economic anxiety.

Is BJP’s social coalition weakening? | Certainly, the cracks are beginning to show. In UP, for instance, losses seem to have mounted more in SC-dominated seats than in Muslim-dominated seats, as BSP has been wiped out. Economic anxiety has obviously also taken a toll on its support. Joblessness, in particular, has been a factor costing the youth vote. It is worth underlining now that rations and such kind of welfare can only keep a person or a voter happy for so long – though some of these factors did not mar the party’s prospect in many states, including neighbouring Bihar and Madhya Pradesh.

Has overconfidence hurt the party? | Many voters did come to associate slogans like ‘Ab ki baar 400 paar’ with overconfidence and maybe arrogance. This may also have impacted turnout – while the aggregate turnout may have remained the same, the composition of those who stayed away from the polling booth could have affected the results significantly. It could be that committed BJP voters became overconfident and stayed at home on voting day. For the fence-sitter who sways its way, it could be apathy that kept them home. And the impact of it all would have mounted if Congress-leaning voters sensed this was an existential moment for them, and therefore mobilised powerfully.

Is BJP itself tiring? | This is an organisation with a famously well-oiled election machine. But there are signs that the grease is wearing thin in some parts. A sense of having hegemony could also be hurting its cadre’s drive. This is also indicated by the loss of the Faizabad parliamentary constituthe Ayodhya assembly segment. Is it that Hindutva may now be paying retreating dividends.

Many turncoats were nominated, higher renominations increasing local anti-incumbency ticket distribution likely went awry, particularly in UP and Rajasthan.

So, what now? | It could be that the ModiShah combine will no longer dictate cabinet nominations, as new pressure points take shape. RSS-BJP relationship too could see important shifts. There will also be worry within BJP regarding the states that are going to hold assembly polls later this year – Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Because in all these states, the party’s LS performance has been poor.

Of course, this time around, BJP will be much more dependent on its allies. An expansionist BJP with everrising ambitions had made various allies quite unhappy. But now, it is very possible that some of the same allies will start demanding, and getting, their pound of flesh. This may also have significant implications for governance. For example, the party’s big-ticket agenda items like One Nation One Election and Uniform Civil Code may have to be put on the backburner.

Finally, the 2024 LS result shows that India very much remains a competitive electoral democracy, where voters continue to signal an evaluation of govt performance. Elections in this country have always worked as a corrective mechanism. And this time they have underlined that no majority is permanent.

Why Congress Is Back But Isn’t Quite There Yet

The big story of this election, arguably, has been the budding revival of Congress as a national force. We can take three preliminary indicators.

The first is the near doubling of its seat share, almost reaching the threefigure mark. If we chart Congress’s seat share over the last four decades, from 1984 onwards, we see a story of a secular decline. Only on two previous occasions has Congress’s seat share increased by over 40 seats (1991 and 2009).

The second is the jump in vote share by about 3 percentage points even though the party contested 93 fewer seats this time. At 328, it was also the only time it contested on fewer than 400 constituencies. Extrapolating vote share on seats contested, Congress’s vote share would rival its previous highwater mark of 2009, when it garnered 29% votes.

Third, Congress has regained a footing in party strongholds where it had been wiped out over the last decade. These include Maharashtra’s Vidarbha belt, UP’s Awadh region, north-central Karnataka, Telangana, and parts of north-eastern Rajasthan.

Six battleground states powered its resurgence. Congress won 49 seats here, where it had won just six in 2019 – Maharashtra (13), Karnataka (9), Haryana (5), UP (6), Rajasthan (8) and Telangana (8). So, what worked for Congress? Collaboration |Alliance-centric strategy, where the party, much like in 2004, projected itself as the nucleus of a larger opposition. In UP, for example, it was happy to play second fiddle to SP, helping it shore up its backward caste base for the alliance. In Rajasthan, similarly, it gave space to smaller Jat and tribal centric parties, RLP and BAP, both of which won their seats and pushed up Congress’s fortunes in neighbouring constituencies. Message | The party’s narrative articulated a vision that exploited BJP govt’s vulnerability. An agenda of social justice, of protecting the Constitution and advancing the caste census, appears to have worked, especially among Dalits, who’ve returned to the party.

Rahul had sounded the poll bugle in his Nagpur rally, on Congress’s foundation day on Dec 28 last year, where he set the campaign narrative of fighting BJP’s ideology of ‘raja-maharaja’ with the ideology of Constitution-based social justice – framing the party as representing 90% of India. Kharge’s leadership also helped the party insofar as it could project a national Dalit face. In UP, Congress played no small role in building a bridge for Dalits to cross over

to Akhilesh’s SP. Rural support | Congress’s creditable performance in semi-rural and rural districts can also be credited to its central focus on farmer distress and wealth concentration. This helped the party garner significant support among agrarian castes such as Jats – Congress has swept the Jat belt in Haryana for the first time since 2009. And perhaps also for the first time since the 1990s, Congress has managed to stitch a winning umbrella alliance in parts of Rajasthan – a Jat-MeenaGujjar-Dalit alliance. Where did Congress fail again? Hindi heartland | It is still weak in large swathes of the Hindi heartland and eastern India, where it used to be the largest party a generation or so back. It got wiped out, or nearly wiped out, once again in MP, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Gujarat, Odisha and Bengal. The party won only four seats here. It had won six in 2019. Tribal hurdle |Despite Rahul’s second Bharat Jodo Nyay yatra, which aimed to boost Congress’s base among tribal voters, it fared poorly in Jharkhand,

Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Assam, all

en route the yatra. Indifference of

tribal voters to the party’s nyay (social justice) platform should be a serious source of concern for the party.

What does the future hold for the party? Opportunity | There’s much potential for Congress to build on the momentum from this election. Congress alliance would arguably start as favourite for the three state assembly elections in a few months in Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand.

Maharashtra offers the party opportunity to regain its traditional stronghold, and perhaps somewhat replenish its empty coffers.

Haryana would provide it the best opportunity since 2018 to defeat BJP in a straight contest in the Hindu belt.

Jharkhand could help the party win back its tribal support.

Implosion of parties such as YSRCP in Andhra and BJD in Odisha opens a critical window of opportunity for Congress to regain space in these states by staking claim as the second pole of state politics. Threats |Absence of structural reforms in the fossilised party bureaucracy, aging leadership in states, and weak central authority are serious threats. The Udaipur roadmap of democratising the party and opening it up to fresher cohorts of younger leaders has been honoured more in its breach.

Congress is still unable to attract backward castes and tribal voters in north-central and eastern India, without which it would struggle to regain its halcyon days.

The present verdict can only be termed a budding revival. The Grand Old Party has only caught a spark, but it would need to conscientiously follow a clear roadmap towards revival to ensure lasting gains.

ASIM ALI

Videos Told The Story: It’s Not One Nation, One Pole

SANTOSH DESAI

Six months ago, this election was a done deal. Then something changed. It didn’t happen overnight, but gradually disenchantment against govt began to surface in pockets. The most striking change that we saw this time around was the organic appearance of an independent ecosystem of voices.

Dhruv Rathee perhaps single-handedly acted as the spearhead of the opposition’s communication efforts, without being formally aligned with any party. That he managed to garner between 35-40m views for some of his videos is a sign of the tremendous impact he had on voters.

In a peculiar reversal of sorts, the decreasing credibility of all institutions, in particular media, has led to a search for non-institutional voices. There was a time when we looked for institutional certification in order to believe in something; now it seems to be the opposite. Any intermediary institution, no matter how powerful, is viewed with suspicion given the feeling that they all have been penetrated by the current power structure.

This election result has surprises for everyone. The biggest victors of this election are the regional parties. Between them, TDP, DMK, TMC, SP and JDU have performed outstandingly well. UP held the biggest surprise of the elections, with SP winning more seats than BJP. BJP performed below expectations in Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Bengal too and failed to make headway in Tamil Nadu.

For Congress, the results, though not definitive, are a lifeline, an affirmation that the party still has something to offer voters. Rahul Gandhi has redeemed himself to a large extent, by campaigning tirelessly and holding the coalition together.

BJP too has some reason to cheer. It has performed outstandingly well in Odisha. In terms of vote share, it has also made a dent in the south. But overall, this is a significant defeat for the party. Under Modi it is not designed to work in a coalition, and its ideological project is unlikely to get carried out in the changed circumstances. And Nitish and Chandrababu are hardly reliable allies.

The election has a few important lessons that are worth heeding. At its most fundamental level, the verdict has spoken against the idea of a monolithic consolidation of power. The idea of one nation, one party, one religion, and one leader has been shunned. In a sense, it is not as much a vote against Hindutva as it is against any attempt to homogenise the country into any single way of thinking.

For Modi, the message is that there is only so much sway that a single individual can have in a diverse country, no matter how charismatic he might be and no matter to what extent a narrative is built around him. There is also the question of whether relying on a single vote-catching device creates a sense of sameness due to overexposure. The other significant shift that does not seem to have worked is the move away from a forwardlooking message and an increasingly angry and negative attack on opposition and minorities.

The problem with silencing other voices is that one effectively removes any chance of getting feedback. Also, the noise generated by a party’s support base is so strong and so uniformly aggressive that it compels a reaction. In 2019 this noise could drown out any other competition; this time around things have changed.

For media, there is a salutary lesson to be learned, should it be so inclined. Looking back at exit polls it becomes difficult to believe that all of them suffered from poor methodology and that there was no other agenda involved. The fact that so many people are turning to independent voices instead of relying on mainstream media should give them cause to reflect.

BJP has to ask itself if its current strategy of seeking to form govt in states by any means necessary has not reached its sell-by date. There is only so much power to go around and more the influx of opportunists into a party by offering them inducement, the less that is left over for faithfuls.

It may feel counterintuitive, but in many ways this is the best possible outcome for opposition. Winning a marginal victory would mean an unstable govt and while this alliance has meshed together for a campaign, they are unlikely to function coherently as a govt. This result gives them credibility and room to build something more substantial.

For now, something fundamental has changed even as BJP comes back to govt. Its current model of seeking and exercising absolute control via Modi’s hold over the electorate is unlikely to work in the same way. BJP was seeking even greater concentration of power; what it has got is the exact opposite.

What we can hope for is some respite from the relentless barrage of negativity and smallmindedness that has characterised not just the campaign but larger national discourse in the last few years. Absolute power is no one’s birthright, and India’s electorate has left us in no doubt about that. BJP may have come back to govt but its style of governing the country has receiveda wake-up call. The voter has drawn the line.

Times Global

- Maldives, China discuss further bolstering defence relations

- Biden: ‘Every reason’ to believe Bibi prolonging war for political survival

- Indian student missing in US located, is safe

- Sunak & Starmer set for first debate face-off as disruptor Farage roils UK election waters

- CONGRESSMAN’S 6-YEAR-OLD SON STEALS SHOW ON HOUSE FLOOR

- 3 babies abandoned in London over 7 years are siblings, reveals court

- India’s neighbours Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan congratulate Modi

- Aus military to recruit non-citizens in a bid to boost troop numbers

- AROUND THE WORLD

- Biden orders block on asylum seekers at Mexico border

- Russia bots target Paris Olympics with deepfake Tom Cruise video

Maldives, China discuss further bolstering defence relations

Male: Three months after inking the first bilateral defence agreement with the Maldives, China’s ambassador Wang Lixin met the island nation’s defence minister Ghassan Maumoon on Monday to discuss “the strengthening of military ties and the security and safety of the two countries”, news portal Adhadhu.com reported. They held talks to strengthen military ties between the two countries and discussed the strengthening of military ties and the security and safety of the two countries, it said. The ministry of defence posted from its official X handle about the meeting.

After Maldives and China signed a defence agreement on March 4, Prez Mohamed Muizzu, who is perceived to be proChina, announced that Beijing would supply military equipment and train soldiers under the agreement but offered no details, the portal said. Two days later, Muizzu announced that the Maldives would get free “non-lethal” military equipment and training from China’s military under the agreement and underlined that it would further strengthen island nation’s independence and autonomy.

The March agreement was the first time the Maldives had signed a deal with China for military cooperation of this level. Previously, China had been exclusively known for its assistance towards the urban and economic development of the Maldives.

PTI

Biden: ‘Every reason’ to believe Bibi prolonging war for political survival

The May 28 Remark Becomes Public Amid Differences Over Truce Plan; WH Says US Will Work To Ensure Deal Happens

General Saeed Abyar is believed to be the first Iranian killed by Israel since the nations nearly went to war in April

Aid dropped on Gaza’s Khan Younis falls near tents sheltering Palestinians

US Prez Joe Biden, asked whether PM Benjamin Netanyahu was prolonging the war in Gaza in an effort to hold on to office, said that he believes “there is every reason for people to draw that conclusion”, lending his voice to something many in his administration have been saying privately for months.

His statement came in an interview with Time magazine that was conducted May 28, three days before Biden gave a speech revealing details of what he called an “Israeli plan” to bring about an exchange of hostages and a permanent ceasefire. His decision to describe the Israeli plan in public appeared to be a clear effort to lock in Netanyahu, who didn’t publicly reveal the details and seemed to back away from some of them after Biden’s statement last Friday.

Both in Jerusalem and Washington, Netanyahu is widely seen as highly aware that an end to the conflict could easily result in his being swept from office — especially once investigations began into how Israel ignored evidence of the Oct 7 attack that killed 1,200 Israelis, and how slowly Israel’s defence forces responded. Street protests against him have begun to gather momentum again, seven months after the attack. Netan- yahu has made clear, both before and after the attacks, that he is against a two-state solution.

Tensions between Biden and Netanyahu have been obvious for months, as the Israeli PM has refused American calls for Israel to allow far larger amounts of aid to reach Palestinians, and to come up with a plan to evacuate displaced refugees from Rafah, the current centre of military action. But Biden was careful not to criticise Netanyahu other than to agree that he was clinging to office by prolonging the war.

Israeli govt spokesman David Mencer, asked about the interview, said it was “outside the diplomatic norms of every right-thinking country” for Biden to make such comments.

Meanwhile, the White Hou- se said Biden believes the ceasefire deal on the table is the best chance to get hostages out of Gaza and end hostilities. The US will continue to work with Netanyahu to try to get the proposal over finish line, spokesman John Kirby said.

NYT & REUTERS

Hamas says can’t agree to any deal unless Israel commits to permanent ceasefire, full withdrawal

Hamas cannot agree to any deal unless Israel makes a “clear” commitment to a permanent ceasefire and a complete withdrawal from Gaza, a senior official from the Palestinian militant group said on Tuesday. “Israel only wants one phase where it takes all its hostages, then it resumes its aggression and war on our people,” Osama Hamdan, a Hamas official, told a televised press conference.

Qatar, which alongside the US and Egypt has been mediating talks between Hamas and Israel, has also urged Israel to provide a clear position that has the backing of its entire govt to reach a deal.

REUTERS

‘Israeli air strikes in Syria have killed Iran general’

Israeli air strikes near Aleppo, Syria, in the early hours of Monday killed a general in Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps who had been deployed to the country as an adviser, according to Iranian media reports. The Iranian was identified as General Saeed Abyar by Tasnim News agency, a media outlet affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards.

He was believed to be the first Iranian killed by Israel since the two countries nearly went to war in April, after Israel bombed Iran’s embassy compound in Damascus, killing several commanders. Iran retaliated, attacking Israel with a barrage of 300 drones and ballistic missiles, after which Israel attacked an Iranian military base with a missile. Since then, however, the two countries stepped back from direct confrontations, facing intense global pressure to not ignite a new, wider regional war. And Iran is now enmeshed in a domestic leadership crisis, making a new wave of attacks on Israel seem unlikely. Iran has been reeling from the sudden death of Prez Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash two weeks ago.

Abyar was a member of Iran’s Quds Force, a branch of the Revolutionary Guards that operates largely in other nations. He had been in Syria since 2012, when he was deployed to help the govt in Damascus fight a civil war with opposition forces and IS terrorists. The Quds Force now uses Syria as a regional headquarters for coordinating and arming militia groups known as the “axis of resistance”, including in Lebanon, Iraq and West Bank.

NYT

Indian student missing in US located, is safe

Houston: A 23-year-old Indian student who went missing in the US state of California last week has been located and “is safe”, police said on Tuesday.

Nitheesha Kandula, a California State University, San Bernardino (CSUSB) student, went missing on May 28 in Los Angeles. John Guttierez, chief of police, CSUSC, posted about her well-being on X without giving any more information. Police had sought the public’s help to find Nitheesha, who is reportedly from Hyderabad.

Recently, the Indian community in the US has grappled with students going missing. Last month, Rupesh Chandra Chintakind, 26, was reported missing in Chicago. In April, 25-year-old Mohammad Abdul Arfath missing since March was found dead in Cleveland.

PTI

Sunak & Starmer set for first debate face-off as disruptor Farage roils UK election waters

London: The two main contenders to be Britain’s next prime minister were set to face off in a televised debate on Tuesday, with Conservative leader Rishi Sunak hoping to boost his party’s dismal outlook and Labour’s Keir Starmer aiming to cement his status as favourite.

The debate comes a day after populist Brexit-backer Nigel Farage dealt a blow to Sunak’s hopes of winning the July 4 election by announcing he will run for parliament at the helm of the right-wing party Reform UK. The return of the populist politician, a key player in Britain’s 2016 decision to leave the EU, is a major headache for Sunak’s party, which already trails Labour in opinion polls. Farage and Reform look likely to siphon off votes of socially conservative older voters that the Tories have been targeting.

Farage has injected volatility into an election that will almost certainly result in either Starmer or Sunak becoming PM. The two will go head-to-head in a debate on ITV, with Sunak likely to stress his stewardship of the economy, which has seen inflation fall to just over 2% from a peak of over 11% in 2022. Starmer aims to persuade voters tired of Tories that Labour can be trusted with the UK’s economy, borders and security.

AP

FARAGE DOUSED WITH DRINK: A person threw a drink in the face of Nigel Farage, the newly appointed chief of Britain’s right-wing populist party Reform UK during his campaign launch in Clacton-on-Sea, England, on Tuesday. He was unharmed. Police said they had arrested a 25-year-old woman on suspicion of assault. Farage on Monday said he would stand as a candidate for the Reform UK party in July 4 polls, dealing a blow to PM Rishi Sunak’s Conservatives. Farage’s popularity has put pressure on Conservatives to be tougher on immigration

CONGRESSMAN’S 6-YEAR-OLD SON STEALS SHOW ON HOUSE FLOOR

Republican representative John Rose was fired up when he used his 5 minutes on the House floor Monday to castigate the criminal conviction of ex-prez Trump. But the most memorable part of his earnest speech was not Rose’s words. Rather, a sideshow was unfolding behind him in the chamber entirely without his knowledge, courtesy of his young son who was well within the frame of the cameras. First, Guy Rose, 6, looked directly into the cameras, smiling from ear to ear. As the speech rose in a crescendo, Guy amped up his facial high jinks: A roll of the eyes and the classic tongue-out expression. After a few minutes of funny faces & chaotic hand gestures, the Guy added a prop to his performance: A stress ball. Before long, Guy was a meme. A quick look at social media made the elder Rose realise that his son had stolen spotlight. ‘This is what I get for telling my son Guy to smile at the camera for his little brother,’ he wrote on X.

AP & NYT

3 babies abandoned in London over 7 years are siblings, reveals court

London: A baby girl found earlier this year in a shopping bag in east London is the third child to have been abandoned by the same parents in similar circumstances over the last seven years, British police said on Tuesday. The baby girl, named Elsa, was discovered by a person walking their dog one night in Jan near a busy junction in the Newham district, police said. Subsequent DNA tests revealed that Elsa was the full sibling of two other babies who had also been abandoned in the same area.

Harry, the first baby, was found in a park in Newham in Sept 2017, and in Jan 2019 another baby, named Roman, was discovered by dog walkers at a children’s play area.

Details of the case were made public on Tuesday after a judge at a family court in east London said the story was of public interest and gave the BBC and PA Media permission to report the sibling link of the three abandoned children. The BBC said the older children had since been adopted while Elsa was in foster care. The court was told she was doing well, acording to the BBC. Family Court documents stated Baby Elsa still had her umbilical cord, and doctors estimate she had been born only an hour before. Although she was extremely cold when found, Elsa was described as crying and responsive. The court has since heard that she is doing well.

“We understand the significant public interest that will come following the lifting of restrictions that allow this information to be reported,” detective inspector Jamie Humm said in a statement. “It is significant news and our work has focused on trying to locate the mother and provide support to her.” The BBC said the family court was told the children will all know they are siblings and there were plans for them to have some form of contact as they grew up.

REUTERS

India’s neighbours Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan congratulate Modi

India’s neighbours Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan on Tuesday congratulated PM Narendra Modi on the victory of the BJP-led NDA coalition in the general elections and expressed their desire to work closely with him.

As India’s “closest neighbour”, Sri Lanka Prez Ranil Wickremesinghe said the nation looks forward to further strengthen its partnership with India. “I extend my warmest felicitations to the BJPled NDA on its victory demonstrating the confidence of the Indian people in the progress and prosperity under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi,” he wrote on X.

Nepalese PM Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ also congratulated his Indian counterpart. “Congratulations to PM @narendramodi on the electoral success of BJP and NDA in Lok Sabha elections for the third consecutive term. We are happy to note the successful completion of the world’s largest democratic exercise with enthusiastic participation of the people of India,” he wrote on X.

Bhutan PM Tshering Tobgay posted on X that he looked forward to working closely with him to further strengthen ties between the two countries. “Congratulations to my friend PM @narendramodi ji and NDA for the historic 3rd consecutive win in the world’s biggest elections.”

Meanwhile, in his congratulatory post to Modi, Mauritius PM Pravind Jugnauth said India will continue to grow under his leadership.

PTI

Muizzu voices desire to work with Modi

Maldives Prez Mohamed Muizzu on Tuesday congratulated Modi and voiced his desire to work with the Indian PM on bilateral ties. “Congratulations to Prime Minister @narendramodi... I look forward to working together to advance our shared interests in pursuit of shared prosperity and stability for our two countries,” wrote Muizzu, whose statements and actions have hit bilateral relations since the pro-China politician assumed office in Nov last year.

PTI

WH applauds India for completing polls

The US applauded India’s govt on Tuesday for completing a massive election undertaking, White House national security spokesman John Kirby said. Kirby also praised the Indian people for voicing their desires and “participating in a very vibrant democratic process”. He said the US looks forward to seeing the final results.

REUTERS

Aus military to recruit non-citizens in a bid to boost troop numbers

New Zealanders who have lived in Australia for at least a year will be eligible to join the military from July, and permanent residents from the US, Britain and Canada will be eligible from Jan2025

Melbourne: The Australian military will begin recruiting some non-citizens in a bid to boost troop numbers, the govt said Tuesday. Only people from other members of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing partnership who hold Australian permanent residency will be eligible.

The move is part of a push to build a military that can resist foreign coercion through blocked trade routes in the future, defence minister Richard Marles said. Marles, who is also deputy PM, said the change was a major step toward addressing a 4,400-person shortfall in the Australian Defence Force, whose target strength is 63,600 fulltime personnel.

The govt intends to increase that number to 80,000 by 2040. Relatively low unemployment is one of the factors working against the Australian military attracting and retaining personnel.

Australia is particularly reliant on open sea and air routes as an island nation that trades with the world and is therefore suspectable to coercion from foreign militaries, Marles said. “We are not trying to make ourselves a peer of the US or of China,” Marles told delegates at a securi- ty conference. “That’s not a credible thing to propose.” “In a far less certain world, do we have an ability to be able to resist coercion of any adversary and to make our way?” he added.

New Zealanders who have lived in Australia for at least a year will be eligible to join the military from July, and permanent residents from the US, Britain and Canada will be eligible from Jan 2025.

REUTERS

AROUND THE WORLD

NOT THE USUAL MOCK DRILL: The French army conducted an exercise at Tuesday dawn at Normandy’s Omaha beach, with soldiers landing on the shore, reenacting D-Day to mark 80-year anniversary

French PM under fire for ‘manterrupting’ EU poll candidate

France’s PM Gabriel Attal on Monday faced accusations of deliberately seeking to eclipse the head of the ruling party’s list in European elections when he unexpectedly appeared on a stage where she was taking part in a radio debate. Attal strolled into Franceinfo’s radio debate with lead candidates amid an exchange between the anchor and Valerie Hayer, the head of the ruling party’s list for the June 9 polls. Hayer has largely failed to score with the public in the campaign for the election where the French far right appear set to score a victory in a major setback for the ruling Renaissance party of Prez Macron. “Hello, sorry I’m bursting onto the stage,” Attal told the audience as Hayer looked on, saying it was important to him to “encourage Valerie”. He then launched into a shortspeech on how many key issues like climate change “can only be tackled through Europe”. Hard-left France Unbowed MP Raquel Garrido called the incident “mansplaining or, to be more precise, manterrupting”.

Tokyo govt to launch dating app to boost its birth rate

Japan’s capital will launch its own dating app as early as this summer as part of govt efforts to boost the plunging national birth rate, a Tokyo official said Tuesday. Users will be required to submit documentation proving they are single and sign a letter stating they are willing to get married. It’s not unusual for municipalities to organise matchmaking events in Japan, where births dropped to a new low in 2023, but it is rare for a local govt to develop an app.

Accept Romanian blouse inspired designs: Govt to LV

Romania’s minister of culture says she will ask French luxury fashion house Louis Vuitton to acknowledge that a traditional Romanian blouse directly inspired items in one of its 2024 collections. The blouse in question typically has intricate embroidery and tassels and is widely recognised as a symbol of the country’s rich folk culture. Louis Vuitton did not comment.

Biden orders block on asylum seekers at Mexico border

Prez Biden issued an executive order Tuesday that prevents migrants from seeking asylum at the US-Mexico border when crossings surge, a dramatic election-year move. The order is the most restrictive border policy instituted by Biden, or any other modern Democrat, and echoes an effort in 2018 by Prez Trump. The restrictions kick in once the seven-day average for daily crossings hits 2,500. Daily totals already exceed that number, which means that Biden’s executive order could go into effect right away. The border would reopen to asylum-seekers only when the number of crossings falls significantly. The figure would have to stay below a daily average of 1,500 for seven days in a row. The border would reopen to migrants two weeks after that.

NYT

Russia bots target Paris Olympics with deepfake Tom Cruise video

MISSION DISINFORMATION: A visual from the fake documentary ‘Olympics Has Fallen’. Using AI-powered voice and likeness of Cruise and slick graphics, the film with ‘Netflix logo’ disparages International Olympic Committee in an apparent bid to erode global public support of the Games

With its athletes barred from competing in the Summer Olympics under the country’s flag, Russia has turned its fury on the Games and this year’s host, Paris.

Russian propagandists have created an hour-long documentary, spoofed news reports and even mimicked French and US intelligence agencies to issue fake warnings urging people to avoid the Games, according to a report released on Sunday by Microsoft. The report details the disinformation campaign created by a group the company calls Storm-1679. The campaign appears to have accelerated since March, flooding social media with short videos raising alarms about pos- sible terrorist attacks and stoking fears about safety. The operation, while aimed at the Games, is using various techniques to spread disinformation that could also be employed in European and US elections.

The work began in earnest last summer with the release of a fake documentary about the International Olympic Committee, expropriating Netflix’s logo and using an artificial-intelligence-powered voice impersonating Tom Cruise. The committee succeeded in having the video titled “Olympics Has Fallen” — a spoof of the 2013 film “Olympus Has Fallen” — removed from YouTube. The attacks have continued, though, with persistent efforts to discredit its leadership, the committee said in March, citing a campaign that used fake recordings of what purported to be telephone calls by officials of the African Union on behalf of Russia.

Storm-1679 now appears to be making shorter videos that are easier to create. It used to focus on disparaging Ukrainian refugees in the West, but after French Prez Macron began to publicly consider sending French troops to Ukraine, it shifted to the Olympics. Microsoft estimates that Storm-1679 produces three to eight faked videos a week, in English and French, with many impersonating the BBC, Al Jazeera and other broadcasters. The group appears to respond quickly to news events, su- ch as protests in New Caledonia, a French territory in the Pacific. Others focus on the prospect of a terror attack in Paris.

Most of the videos pretending to be from CIA and French intelligence are relatively simple. They are unlike anything CIA has actually produced, but to unsuspecting readers online, they could appear legitimate, using the agency’s logo and stark white-on-black typography. “They are trying to cultivate an anticipation of violence,” Clint Watts of Microsoft, said of the group Storm-1679. “They want people to be fearful of going to the Olympics.” French officials and Microsoft say one of the group’s tactics appears to be trying to get the attention of factcheckers. “The content doesn’t normally travel from one platform to another, but when their false content is fact-checked by accounts with a large following, the content gets far more views and in front of new and different audiences,” Watts said

NYT

Times Sport

- AN AIR OF UNPREDICTABILITY

- MY T20 FORM IS BEST IN A DECADE AFTER SUCCESS IN THE IPL, SAYS CUMMINS

- GAVASKAR PICKS KOHLI TO OPEN, WANTS JAISWAL TO BAT AT NO. 3

- Special ‘bouncer training’ for perfectionist Pant

- ‘Tried to convince Dravid to stay on, but he has priorities’

- Afghans off the mark with Afghans off the mark with resounding win over Ugandaresounding win over Uganda

- Appointing Bravo as bowling coach a fantastic move: Afghan coach Trott

- Schedule, travel too hectic for us while others rest: Sri Lanka

- COLLAPSE ON CLAY

- After four terms as MP’s CM, Shivraj now books LS seat

- Rajawat stuns Prannoy; Lakshya in second round

- Scindia reclaims Guna after 5 yrs, posts 5.4L win

- Arjun breaks into world top-5 in FIDE rating list

- It’s smooth sailing for Sinner

- New realities may make Modi tweak game but not faze him

- Will use 3rd term to root out corruption in all forms: PM

- Stimac likely to pick Edmund as first from I-League for national duty

- Germany draw with Ukraine; England, Croatia ease to wins

INDIA VS IRELAND PREVIEW

AN AIR OF UNPREDICTABILITY

India Embark On Another Quest For The Elusive World T20 Trophy Against Minnows Ireland Today, But The Morning Start & A Dodgy Pitch Could Make It A Bit Of A Lottery

NO WALK IN THE PARK: Mohammed Siraj bowls during training in New York on match eve

Dwaipayan.Datta@timesgroup.com

New York: A quaint, little community park tucked away in one corner of a posh Long Island locality isn’t quite the venue that you associate with an Indian practice session, that too ahead of a World Cup opener.

But it’s a changing cricket world and India are the brand ambassadors of a movement which aims to take the sport beyond the noise and bustle of South Asia. Close to Eisenhower Park, in a newly-built, born out of scratch Nassau County Ground, Rohit Sharma’s boys start their journey in the T20 World Cup against a team that they are supposed to blow away in a jiffy.

Ireland, ideally, shouldn’t pose a serious threat to the Indian juggernaut. But there’s an air of unpredictability about the venue, and more importantly the pitch in play, ahead of the day-match, a rarity in T20s. All of India’s games are at 10:30 am local-time starts, which allows the Indian audience back home to latch on to some 8 pm cricket entertainment at the end of day’s work or the roller-coaster of Lok Sabha results.

But morning starts with white-ball has its pitfalls — the ball tends to do a lot more than normal. On Monday, Sri Lanka managed only 77 against South Africa on a drop-in pitch at the same venue and they made it extremely tough for the Proteas to go past that score. “Had we got 120, it could have been a different game,” Sri Lankan captain Wanindu Hasaranga said, which may not be music to the ears of any team which will be playing here.

The worrying bit about the pitch is the up-and-down nature of it, which makes it incredibly difficult for stroke-play that we are used to on a daily basis. Ire- land aren’t full of stars who can scare India, but on a pitch where it can be a bit of a lottery, you can never be sure. From an Indian perspective, there is no scope of a let’s-take-it-easy approach, because any adverse result can make it a do-or-die situation for them in the game against Pakistan, something that India would be desperate to avoid.

Interestingly, it was 17 years ago in an ODI World Cup in West Indies, where India’s outgoing coach Rahul Dravid was the captain, India lost to Bangladesh in the opener and consequently crashed out before the Super-8 stage. The In- dian batting legend surely wouldn’t want a repeat of that trauma on his coaching farewell and that’s why he insists on “adaptability” before the ball rolls.

“All venues will not be the same. It can always happen that we will have pitches where 140 will be enough. The challenge is to adapt and play accordingly,” Dravid said on Monday ahead of a practice session.

Captain Rohit Sharma added to that on Tuesday when he said “it is about dealing with the unknown”. “Everything is unknown, the venue, the pitch, the opposition. But we have the expe- rience,” Rohit said, his usual nonchalance written all over.

If all goes to plan, Virat Kohli and Rohit should open the batting, leaving the middle-order duties to Suryakumar Yadav, Shivam Dube, Rishabh Pant, Hardik Pandya, Ravindra Jadeja and Axar Patel.

The three allrounders Pandya, Jadeja and Axar should give the team the flexibility in the bowling line-up, whereby they can play six bowlers --the other three being Jasprit Bumrah, Arshdeep Singh and Kuldeep Yadav.

Left-arm pace Arshdeep bowled quite splendidly in the practice match that India played against Bangladesh on Saturday, where he moved the ball around in the first few overs, making life difficult for the Bangla batters. Mohammed Siraj, though, isn’t far behind, especially with the pitch affording variable bounce, and it could be a coin-toss between the two.

“We have some plans but we’re not divulging anything for now. It’s the start of a journey and we don’t want to look too far ahead,” Rohit said.

We don’t mind that one bit, as long as India are there in Barbados 25 days from now.

MY T20 FORM IS BEST IN A DECADE AFTER SUCCESS IN THE IPL, SAYS CUMMINS

PAT CUMMINS

Bridgetown (Barbados): Australia pace spearhead Pat Cummins feels his T20 game is at its “best in a decade” as he heads into the World Cup high on confidence after a successful IPL campaign.

“Probably as well as I have for the last 10 years really,” Cummins told cricket.com.au of his T20 bowling. Having never played in he Caribbean, the Australian Test and ODI captain had his first ever training session in the West Indies on Monday. But Cummins is confident of how he’s placed ahead of the World Cup, having continuously played T20 cricket since March in the IPL. “We played 17 games straight at the IPL. For the most part, international T20s are after the Test series, and you’ve got to try and hit a yorker or a slower ball, and then go back to a Test series. So just getting the pace of the game and executing some of those balls that you need more in T20 cricket than in other formats, I feel really well placed.”

Cummins feels that sticking to the same format significantly impacts the tactical side of bowling. “A lot of T20 bowling in particular is about thinking through your sequencing of which ball to bowl or when, and you get to learn pretty quickly what’s working and what isn’t.”

PTI

GAVASKAR PICKS KOHLI TO OPEN, WANTS JAISWAL TO BAT AT NO. 3

GAVASKAR

New York: Batting legend Sunil Gavaskar feels Virat Kohli should open with skipper Rohit Sharma against Ireland on Wednesday, with Yashasvi Jaiswal dropping down to No. 3. There has been a lot of debate around Kohli’s batting position in the T20 World Cup. “Rohit Sharma and Virat Kohli to open the batting along with Yashasvi Jaiswal at three,” Gavaskar said on Star Sports. “Suryakumar Yadav at four, Rishabh Pant at five. At number six , I’d have Hardik Pandya, number seven would be Ravindra Jadeja, number eight, not necessarily in that batting order, Shivam Dube. Number nine Kuldeep Yadav, number 10 Jasprit Bumrah and number 11 will be Siraj,” Gavaskar said.

PTI

VIRAT

Special ‘bouncer training’ for perfectionist Pant

HIGH STAKES: Rishabh Pant bats in the nets

Dwaipayan.Datta@timesgroup.com

Chennai: Rishabh Pant desperately wants to get it right. It’s his comeback for India after a horrific accident and the effort that the Delhi boy put in on Tuesday at the nets was phenomenal.

The pitch here is playing unpredictable, the bounce being uneven, and the shot the wicket-keeper batter wanted to perfect, for more than an hour, was the hook. “Bouncer dalo, boss,” he kept telling the throwdown expert if the latter missed his length by an inch.

There is a chance that Pant will be promoted to No. 3 to keep the leftright combo going, and the maverick just wants to leave no stone unturned. The ball whizzed past his face a few times on a practice pitch that was slightly unpredictable, to say the least.

Normally top batters don’t want to risk themselves against pace so close to a World Cup opener. But Pant is different. “Get it right bhai, bouncer khelna hain mujhe (I have to play bouncers),” he kept demanding as the throwdown expert seemed to run a little out of breath. The ball did hit a couple of times, but it didn’t matter.

Pant played spectacularly on Saturday against Bangladesh and if his work-out at the nets on Tuesday is anything to go by, we are in for a treat from the Delhi boy who never gives up.

‘Tried to convince Dravid to stay on, but he has priorities’

Skipper Rohit Explains Why India’s Head Coach Has Had ‘A Lot Of Influence’ On Him

Dwaipayan.Datta@timesgroup.com

New York: “When you don’t have to wait for more than 10 minutes at the immigration counter in the United States, you know this is important.” Rohit Sharma was being his usual cheeky self on the eve of the start of India’s monthlong T20 World Cup journey.

Half of it will be in the US and the skipper wants to leave behind “something memorable” for all those who are rooting for him. While Rohit doesn’t want to overburden himself with expectations, there is an added element that is driving him, even though he doesn’t want to put it out in as many words.

Coach Rahul Dravid announced on Monday that it would be his last assignment and you can see that Rohit didn’t want it to happen that way. “I tried to convince him to stay on, but he has priorities. With Rahul bhai, my equation goes way deeper than a coach-captain relationship. We go a long way back, he was my first international captain and he has had a lot of influence on me,” Rohit said, as the obvious question lingered: “Do you want to do it for him?”

Rohit probably got a little emotional, but he had to pull the curtains down on any possible overflow. “We don’t want to look too far ahead, but I won’t say anything more than that.” Rohit kept it at that.

Before the ODI World Cup opener in Chennai last October, the captain had said that there was a sense of “unfinished business”. After a magnificent run, it stayed unfinished and Rohit struggled for a very long time to come to terms with it after coming so close.

“I thought a lot about it, for a very long time. But then that’s what it is,” Rohit said, adding that he doesn’t want to stress himself out with a must-win mind-set. “We will take it as it comes, for now it’s tomorrow’s game.”

Ireland are an opposition that India aren’t too familiar with. In fact, Rohit hinted that he doesn’t want to dwell too much on the opposition either. “It doesn’t matter what their areas of strength are. It is about what we do and how we play. If we can execute our plans, we should be fine.”

‘IPL scores won’t be possible here’

But the one thing that Rohit wants to assure going into the opener is “proper communication” among the players. The conditions are difficult and Rohit makes it clear “that IPL like scores won’t be possible here”.

“During the game against Bangladesh, we wanted the batters to communicate and get the message back to the players to follow. There is a lot of experience in the dressing room and I hope that experience comes to the fore,” Rohit said, adding that “getting the little details right” will make the difference.

AFGHANISTAN VS UGANDA

Afghans off the mark with Afghans off the mark with resounding win over Ugandaresounding win over Uganda

FIVE-STAR EFFORT: Afghanistan’s Fazalhaq Farooqi celebrates with a teammate after taking the wicket of Uganda’s Ronak Patel in Guyana

Providence (Guyana): Pacer Fazalhaq Farooqi produced a fiery spell after Rahmanullah Gurbaz and Ibrahim Zadran struck half centuries in a solid opening partnership as Afghanistan began their T20 World Cup campaign with a comprehensive 125-run victory over debutants Uganda here.

Kolkata Knight Riders opener Gurbaz (76 off 45 balls) and his partner Zadran (70 off 46 balls) registered the second-highest opening partnership (154) in the men’s T20 World Cup as Afghanistan posted a challenging 183/5 after being asked to bat.

Left-arm pacer Farooqi (5/9) then knocked the wind out of the Ugandan batting lineup with his maiden fivewicket haul. The debutants were shot out for 58 in 16 overs.

“The kind of start we wanted as a team. Does not matter who we play, it is about the mindset,” Rashid Khan said after the match. “The hard work we have done in the last few weeks, the way the openers started and the way our bowlers bowled, it was a great overall team effort,” Rashid, who polished off the tail, added. “That is the beauty of this team. We have so many options and that makes it easy as a captain.”

Seamer Farooqi was twice on the brink of claiming a hat-trick and was lethal with the new ball. After being hit for a four off his first delivery, he bowled a brilliant in-swinger which clipped Ronak Patel’s bat before crashing onto the stumps. He then trapped Roger Mukasa leg before wicket with a similar delivery.

“I have missed it (getting the hattrick) a few times (smiles). Something that is not under my control and if I get a chance again, I will try to get that hat-trick,” Farooqi said. Naveenul-Haq also picked up two wickets in his first over, leaving Uganda in dire straits at 18/5.

Farooqi then returned in the 13th over to snare three more wickets to register his career-best figures in T20 Internationals.

Earlier, with the ball coming on to the bat nicely and a fast outfield, Afghanistan’s openers started strong. Gurbaz assumed the role of the aggressor first as he smacked the second ball of the innings for a six. Zadran quickly followed suit, hitting four consecu- tive boundaries in the sixth over off Dinesh Nakrani.

By the end of the first Powerplay, Afghanistan were scoring at an impressive rate of 11 runs per over. Gurbaz, who four boundaries and as many sixes, raced to his fifty off just 28 balls in the ninth over. Uganda’s poor fielding only added to their woes.

PTI

Brief scores: Afghanistan 183/5 (Gurbaz 76, Ibrahim 70, Masaba 2-21, Kyewuta 2-25) beat Uganda 58 (Farooqi 5-9) by 125 runs.

Appointing Bravo as bowling coach a fantastic move: Afghan coach Trott

Providence (Guyana): Afghanistan chief coach Jonathan Trott on Tuesday said the decision to rope in Dwayne Bravo as the team’s bowling coach for the T20 World Cup worked wonders as the West Indian’s presence has made his job easier.

Speaking to the media after his side’s first win, Trott credited the contribution of Bravo, who according to him, has brought about a change in the approach of Afghanistan’s bowlers. “DJ (Dwayne Bravo) coming into the side, fantastic. Having quality coaches also with huge experience as players (is great), but also vast franchise experience in this format of the game,” Trott said. “(It’s) only a brilliant thing to have a player like him coming to the side as coach and it makes your job a lot easier, but it also makes the coaching more enhanced.

“We’ve seen the start of his first game with us and we saw the bowlers bowl really well, so credit to Dwayne. A nice start for the boys.”

‘Pretty special moment for us’

Meanwhile, Uganda captain Brian Masaba said he was more focused on the positives rather than the defeat. “It’s a pretty special moment for us, hearing our national anthem and seeing our flag at the World Cup. First game, a lot of nerves, so it’s good to get that out of the way. It’s something I will cherish for the rest of my life. We will look to come out and play better next game,” he said.

PTI

Schedule, travel too hectic for us while others rest: Sri Lanka

WANINDU HASARANGA

New York: Sri Lanka captain Wanindu Hasaranga and spinner Maheesh Theekshana have lambasted the scheduling of their team’s matches in the ongoing T20 World Cup, saying the roster is “unfair” and has already forced them to cancel one practice due to the long travel time. Sri Lanka lost their group D opener to South Africa and Theekshana spoke out on the scheduling which he believes has negatively impacted the team.

“So unfair for us, we have to leave every day (after the match) because we are playing (at) four different venues,” Theekshana said. “The flight we took from Florida, from Miami, we had to wait like eight hours in the airport to get the flight. We were supposed to leave at 8 pm but we got the flight at 5 am. It’s unfair for us, but it doesn’t matter when you play,” he added.

South Africa, on the other hand, will be playing two more games here while India, who will start against Ireland on Wednesday, will also play three matches in the city before their last group match in Florida. “Even from the hotel, it (the practice venue) is one hour and 40 minutes. Even today (for the match against South Africa), we had to wake up around 5 am to come here,” Theekshana said.

The island nation was forced to cancel a training session ahead of the South Africa match. Theekshana refused to take names but did mention that a few teams “have got the opportunity to stay in the same place but their hotel is only 14 minutes to the ground”. I can’t say the (names of the) teams that are playing in the same venue, so they know what the conditions are like. They’re playing practice games at the same venue. No one will get that.

Skipper Hasaranga echoed the sentiment. “We had a tough time last few days. All four games in four venues. It’s hard. We didn’t know. This is our first game in New York. Next game in Dallas, next game is in Florida where we played two games, that’s the only plus point we have,” he said.

Sri Lanka manager Mahinda Halangoda has written to the ICC on the matter.

PTI

COLLAPSE ON CLAY

Struggling with A Knee Injury Djokovic Pulls Out, Set To Lose World No. 1 Ranking To Sinner

TIMES IN PARIS

Prajwal.Hegde@timesgroup.com

Paris: Novak Djokovic, who slipped and stumbled times without number during his Roland Garros fourthround match on Monday, has torn the medial meniscus on his right knee.

The tear, picked up by a MRI scan he had late on Tuesday afternoon, forced the top-seed and defending champion to withdraw from the French Open.

The 24-time major winner was to play the seventh-seeded Casper Ruud in the quarterfinals on Wednesday.

Djokovic was covered in clay, courtesy the many tumbles, en route to a record-breaking 370th Grand Slam victory 6-1, 5-7, 3-6, 7-5, 6-3 in the fourth round against Francisco Cerundolo late on Monday evening.

“In the third game of the second set, when I slipped, it affected the knee, I started feeling the pain,” Djok- ovic said. “It disrupted my play. For the next two sets, I didn’t want to stay in the rally too long. Every time he would make dropshots or changed directions, I was not comfortable (chasing).”

“At one point I didn’t know whether I should continue,” he said. “I got medication then, and after the third set, I asked for more medication. That (dose) kicked in after 30 to 45 minutes, which was just about the end of the fourth set. That’s when things started to improve for me. I started to feel less limitations in my movement. “

Djokovic raised the slippery condition of the court several times with the chair umpire.

“I felt today that with the sun coming out after long days of rain, it affected the court, particularly the upper layers of the clay,” Djokovic said. “I don’t know what exactly they have done, it seemed like some of the clay was removed, so there was very little, almost no clay on the court today.

Then when the sun is out it affects the clay in such a way that it becomes slippery.”

Djokovic’s exit in the quarterfinals of the clay court major, where he emerged victorious last year, means Jannik Sinner will be the new World No.1 when the rankings change on Monday.

Djokovic has been ranked No. 1 for a record total of 428 weeks, he has finished as the year-end No.1 a record eight times.

Novak Djokovic injured his right knee during Monday’s match against Francisco Cerundolo

After four terms as MP’s CM, Shivraj now books LS seat

Bhopal: Having served 16.5 years as Madhya Pradesh CM, Shivraj Singh Chouhan is back where he started — as Lok Sabha MP from Vidisha, reports Suchandana Gupta.

After yet another thumping victory on the seat he has won five times earlier, what does the future hold for BJP’s longest serving CM? What plan does the party brass have for ‘Mama’, as Chouhan is popularly known in the state?

In the 2023 assembly elections, when BJP won 163 seats in an emphatic victory, there was intense speculation over whether Chouhan will get a fifth term as CM. No one had campaigned harder.

However, it was Mohan Yadav, a minister in the Chouhan cabinet for three years, who was propelled to the top job, and the four-term CM was reduced to being an MLA. As Yadav was sworn in, Chouhan called a press m eet and said, “ I want to say humbly that I’d rather die than go (to New Delhi) and ask for something for myself.” Chouhan’s success as CM was largely on account of his flagship schemes.

Rajawat stuns Prannoy; Lakshya in second round

Manne.Ratnakar@timesgroup.com

Priyanshu Rajawat shocked HS Prannoy 21-17, 21-12 while Lakshya Sen, Treesa Jolly-Gayatri Gopichand and Sumeeth Reddy-Sikki Reddy advanced to the second round of the Indonesia Open BWF Super-1000 tournament in Jakarta on Tuesday.

Kiran George squandered two match points (20-18) in the third game to lose to Weng Yang Hong of China 21-11, 10-21, 20-22.

Treesa-Gayatri made short work of Cheng Yu-Pei and Sun Yu Hsing of Chinese Taipei 21-15, 21-11 in women’s doubles. They will face seventh seeds Mayu Matsumoto and Wakana Nagahara. The Japanese enjoy a 1-0 win-loss record against the Indian girls.

Sumeeth-Sikki downed Vinson Chiu and Jennie Gai of USA 18-21, 21-16, 21-17 in the mixed doubles first round.

The shock of the day was Prannoy’s defeat without a fight. Rajawat will face reigning world champion Kunlavut Vitidsarn of Thailand in the second round.

Lakshya, who suffered first round losses in the last two tournaments, registered a fluent 21-12, 21-17 victory against Kanta Tsuneyama of Japan. In the second round he will face Kenta Nishimoto of Japan.

Scindia reclaims Guna after 5 yrs, posts 5.4L win

Bhopal: Union minister Jyotiraditya Scindia has reclaimed Guna, the family seat, with an emphatic victory over Congress’s Yadvendra Singh Yadav by over 5.4 lakh votes, reports Ashutosh Shukla.

Scindia had lost the seat to a former aide, KP Yadav, in 2019. It was a defeat that would change the course of his politi- cal career. He switched from Congress to BJP, toppling the Kamal Nath-led Congress govt, was elected to Rajya Sabha, and appointed aviation and steel minister. But the loss in Guna shadowed him until Tuesday’s thumping victory.

“My heartfelt gratitude to my family members of Guna Lok Sabha constituency. I dedi- cate this historic victory to you. It was with your support that I resolved to contest the election from Guna,” he tweeted. Scindia led a blistering campaign, not only in Guna but elsewhere. He urged voters to elect a ‘triple engine sarkar’ —PM Modi at the Centre, CM Mohan Yadav in Madhya Pradesh and himself in Guna.

Arjun breaks into world top-5 in FIDE rating list

New Delhi: Grandmaster Arjun Erigaisi’s strong showing in the French Team Chess Championship has helped him reach the fifth spot in the FIDE standings, making him the highest ranked Indian by live rating.Arjun, with a ELO rating of 2769.7, has so far added 8.7 points to his tally.

Esha finishes sixth: Young shooter Esha Singh finished sixth in the women’s 25m pistol at the ongoing ISSF World Cup in Munich as India’s search for their first medal continued.

AGENCIES

It’s smooth sailing for Sinner

JANNIK SINNER

Prajwal.Hegde@timesgroup.com

Paris: Jannik Sinner’s tennis is controlled, rapid-fire shotmaking. Cold and absolute. The 22-year-old’s crown is a riotous, unruly mess, everything he steers clear of on the court.

Each time Sinner, the Roland Garros No.2 seed, stepped up to the microphone for the on-court interview, he quickly pushed his hair under his cap, restraining every strand, attempting order on mayhem.

After extending his perfect run in majors this season with a 6-2, 6-4, 7-6 (3) quarterfinal win over Grigor Dimitrov on Tuesday, Sinner wore a flushed expression. He had just ripped 29 winners in the 2-hour 29-minute contest to make his first French Open semifinals, but there was more.

A little before Sinner took the Court Philippe Chatrier for the lasteight clash, Novak Djokovic had withdrawn from the clay court major which would result in Sinner becoming the new world No.1 when the rankings change on Monday. Sinner, who’ll be the first Italian and the 29th player to climb the top spot, had no idea about the happenings around him. His team had ensured that.

The 22-year-old, whose face briefly reflected the emotion when he was told about the No.1 ranking on the court, regained his calm by the time he walked into the pressroom an hour later. “It’s not the way we were expecting it, he had two very long matches, tough matches, five sets, so it’s tough. It’s tough also for the tournament. Novak retiring, it’s always tough,” Sinner said. “Talking about myself, I’m very happy about this achievement. It’s a lot of work we put in daily. It’s a daily routine. Obviously happy to have this number.”

Sinner, who will take on the winner of the Carlos Alcaraz-Stefanos Tsitsipas clash on Friday, has his eyes set on the play.

“In two days, there is a very important match for me, the semifinals, I’m focused on that at the moment. But, yes, of course, very happy to have this number now,” Sinner said. “It’s a great achievement, but I want to measure myself on this surface, on the clay. It’s a surface where I struggle a lot sometimes, especially the beginning. We have seen this in the last years.”

Sinner, who arrived in Paris battling for fitness following a hip injury, said, “I came here with some doubts, physical doubts. My body seems stronger and stronger day by day, which for me was the main goal coming here. I’m happy that I have a chance to play here in a very important match for myself in the semis.”

Gauff, Swiatek set up semis clash

Earlier World No.1 Iga Swiatek displayed sizzling form as she rolled past the reigning Wimbledon champion Marketa Vondrousova 6-0, 6-2 in the women’s quarterfinals.

The Pole will take a 19-match winning streak at Roland Garros into the semifinals against American Coco Gauff as she looks to advance to the final for the fourth time in six appearances in Paris.

Gauff, 20, the No.3 seed, came from a set down to reach her second career Roland Garros semifinal, defeating the No.8 seed Ons Jabeur 4-6, 6-2, 6-3 in 1 hour and 57 minutes.

New realities may make Modi tweak game but not faze him

The shrinking gap with the opposition in a contest largely perceived to be stacked in the incumbent’s favour was largely because of the performance of the SP-Congress combine in UP

Continued from P 1

The new realities of coalition politics will mark a sharp change from the first two terms, when BJP’s own numbers cushioned it from pulls and pressures from NDA partners. In any case, the party will be faced with a ‘difficult’ Lok Sabha because of the jump in opposition’s numbers and the new-found bounce in their step.

In their post-verdict comments, Rahul Gandhi and Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge loudly proclaimed their intent by claiming that PM Narendra Modi had suffered a moral defeat and needed to quit. Akhilesh, who played the caste card with precision, Mamata, Uddhav and Pawar will be more than ready to supplement Congress’ aggression.

The changed complexion of the Lok Sabha, the return of coalition govt in the real sense of the term, and the revival of caste factor in Uttar Pradesh and pockets of Rajasthan and Haryana mark the return of politics that was the n orm until Modi’s two consecutive landslides. All these may be constraints for Modi, requiring him to calibrate his game, but may not necessarily faze him. In his address to party workers, he reiterated that his new term will be one of “historic decisions”.

“This is Modi’s guarantee,” he stressed while signaling the likelihood of steps particularly aimed at women, the poor, Dalits and tribals.

His statement that the year marks the 350th anniversary of the coronation of Chhatrapati Shivaji also struck many as significant.

The shrinking gap with the opposition in a contest largely perceived to be stacked in the incumbent’s favour was largely because of the performance of SP-Congress combine in Uttar Pradesh. The two partners managed to ex- pand their support beyond the ‘MY’ constituency to build a larger coalition that also included a significant number of non-Yadav backwards. They also managed to lure in large sections of Dalits, feeling disappointed with Mayawati, by successfully painting BJP’s 400+ target as an anti-quota plot.

As a result, election in vast swathes of the state, which accounts for 80 Lok Sabha seats got localised with caste prevailing over BJP’s larger themes of nationalism, Hindutva and development.

But the result also brought out Modi’s resilience. BJP swept diverse geographies — from MP and Delhi to Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh — and posted impressive victories in Chhattisgarh, Assam and Jharkhand.

The Modi factor’s pull was also manifest in the breakthrough in Kerala with BJP candidate Suresh Gopi recording the party’s first-ever LS victory in the state, which has all along seen bipolar contests between Congress and Left. Despite the loss of seats, BJP retained its dominance in Rajasthan and, along with JD(U), in Bihar. But the results underscore the strongest challenge that Modi has had to face since he moved to the Centre in 2014. The opposition’s resolve to reduce him to a ‘normal’ PM and his response should make for an intense duel. Society, economy and polity will all feel the impact.

Will use 3rd term to root out corruption in all forms: PM

PM Narendra Modi, Rajnath Singh and party president J P Nadda at BJP headquarters after LS election result in New Delhi on Tuesday

Continued from P 1

Digital India and technology have given wings to containing corruption, but this fight is becoming difficult. Glorifying the corrupt with extreme shamelessness is giving strength to them. However, the third term of NDA will be utilised to eradicate corruption in all forms, Modi said, an assertion which appeared significant in view of opposition’s aggressive denunciation of alleged misuse of central probe agencies.

The trademark assertiveness extended to his digs at Congress and the praise of EC for “showing the mirror” to those who doubted the integrity of polls. Modi said Lok Sabha polls were a victory of democracy and a reflec- tion of people’s unflinching faith in the country’s Constitution and gave a boost to the pledge to make India a developed nation.

Hailing the EC, its officials and security personnel, the PM said 140 Indians should be proud of the credibility of the country’s election process. “I exhort people of the country, influencers, opinion makers that they should make the whole world aware of the country’s electoral process, as it has given a new identity to the country,” he said, an apparent response to opposition parties’ continuous attack on the poll panel.

The PM said NDA’s win was the victory of the world’s largest democracy, of unwavering loyalty to the Constitution, of the pledge of a developed India, of the mantra of ‘Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas’, of 140 crore Indians.

Taking a swipe at oppositionamid their celebrations over NDA’s reduced victory margin, Modi said, “Our opponents together could not win as many seats as BJP alone has won.”

Stating that it was an emotional moment, Modi said, “This is my first election after my mother passed away but millions of mothers, sisters and daughters of the country never let me feel the absence of my mother.”

The PM said 10 years ago, the country gave a mandate for change as that was the time when the country had sunk to the depths of despair. “We were blessed with terms like ‘fragile five’, newspaper headlines were filled with scandals every day, and the country’s young generation became apprehensive about their future. Then the country entrusted us with the task of extracting pearls of hope from the deep ocean of despair. We all tried and worked with full sincerity. In 2019, expressing faith in this effort, the country again gave a massive mandate. After this, the second term of NDA became a guarantee of development and legacy,” he said. Modi further said, “In 2024, with this guarantee, we went to every corner of the country to seek people’s blessings. Today, I bow down with humility to the blessings that NDA has received for the third time.”

Stimac likely to pick Edmund as first from I-League for national duty

Marcus.Mergulhao@timesgroup.com

Panaji: Edmund Lalrindika has sufficiently impressed national team coach Igor Stimac for him to count upon the forward for India’s crucial FIFA World Cup 2026 qualifiers against Kuwait and Qatar.

Edmund is among the four players summoned from the I-League, India’s second-tier club competition, for the national camp. But while Lalrinzuala (Aizawl FC) did not join due to injury and Muhammad Hammad (Real Kashmir) was released after the first leg, Edmund (Inter Kashi) and David Lalhlansanga (Mohammedan Sporting) are in the fray for a national team debut.

Should Stimac hand him the opportunity, he will become the first player from the I-League to play for the national team in the last five years.

Germany draw with Ukraine; England, Croatia ease to wins

Berlin: Host Germany and England kicked off the true buildup to the European Championship with their first warmup games, only after Real Madrid capped the club season by signing Kylian Mbappé. About 90 minutes after France captain Mbappé finally confirmed he was joining the new Champions League winner, Germany put the national team action on midsummer’s center stage in an enterprising 0-0 draw with Ukraine.

England got off to a slow start before a second half surge in a 3-0 win over BosniaHerzegovina, including a national record-extending 63rd goal for Harry Kane, who went on as a substitute. Croatia, another of the European powers, eased to a 3-0 win over North Macedonia.

All three Euro 2024 contenders were without their Madrid stars — Toni Kroos, Jude Bellingham and Luka Modric — who are resting this week after their title win on Saturday against Borussia Dortmund.

It was a night for untested lineups to search for some rhythm in their play and debuts given to several emerging talents ahead of rosters being finalized on Friday.

AP

Delhi Times

- HOW THE Abhi netas FARED THIS TIME

- Wasn’t taken seriously at the Grammys before Flowers wins: Miley

- Baby Dhawan’s here! Varun and Natasha welcome daughter

- Have you passed the chopsticks test?

- Heat, dance and a farewell at the Italian Day celebration in Delhi

- Mom allowed us to watch only Jo Jeeta: Alaya F

- If you don’t know the right people, you are a nobody here, says Harsh Chhaya

- Initially, the leap & my exit from Ghum Hai came as a shock: Shakti

- CELEB CANDIDATES HAVE A MIXED DAY

- The carbon footprint left behind during concerts is huge: Ricky Kej

- A ﬁlm set can exist without consuming mindless plastic, says Dia Mirza Rekhi

- Desi cheese variants you need to try right away

- This World Environment Day, let us show some kindness to Mother Earth

- Vegan burgers: A healthy and tasty plant-based twist

- TRIPPIN

HOW THE Abhi netas FARED THIS TIME

Names from showbiz who were part of the electoral fray this time had a mixed outing

DREAM GIRL’S DREAM RUN

BJP MATHURA

HEMA MALINI

The veteran actress is the pefect example of how to leverage one’s on-screen aura for a dream run in electoral politics. The parliamentarian got third-time lucky as she continued to strike a chord with her voters in Mathura.

Status at 6:00 PM

Leading against Mukesh Dhangar by 2,72,599

Past electoral record

Hema Malini tasted electoral politics in 1999, when she campaigned for colleague Vinod Khanna in Punjab. In 2004, she joined the BJP as a Rajya Sabha candidate. In 2014, she defeated the Mathura incumbent, Jayant Chaudhary (RLD) and won again in 2019, making this her Lok Sabha hat-trick.

OPPONENTS KHAMOSH!

TMC ASANSOL

SHATRUGHAN SINHA

Sinha, an old war-horse, still knows a thing or two about playing to the gallery. On a TMC ticket in Asansol, Sinha campaigned hard and brought in his A-game to the mix.

Status at 6:00 PM

Leading against SS Ahluwalia by 59564

Past electoral record

Sinha switched camps from BJP (2006) to INC (2019) to finally finding a slot Didi’s team and has been impactful in his newest role. Interestingly, Sinha and Rajesh Khanna had allegedly had a fallout when the former contested in the New Delhi by-elections in 1992 which Khanna eventually won. In 2009 Sinha had defeated his colleague Shekhar Suman (INC), but joined the INC after BJP denied him a ticket.

FROM REEL TO REAL

BJP MEERUT

ARUN GOVIL

Govil channelled his reel charisma during the campaign, hoping to make solid gains on the ground. It seems the charm did not quite wear off on a generation that’s moved on from the DD days.

Status at 6:00 PM

Leading against Sunita Verma by 10,873

The electoral entry

The goodwill that Arun Govil had gathered during his stint as Ram in the ’80s R amay ana came in handy when he was selected to represent the BJP in the Meerut hotseat. Govil replaced sitting MP Rajendra Agarwal, who had won three consecutive terms.

TRP DROP? BJP AMETHI

SMRITI IRANI

Irani’s meteoric political rise on the back of her tremendous TV popularity and ability to dominate every debate and narrative is well documented. Despite her vociferous pitch and sustained campaigning, the BJP leader’s show may not get renewed for the next LS season after all.

Status at 6:00 PM

Trailing against Kishori Lal by 1,64,331

Past electoral record

Irani, who joined BJP in 2003, entered Parliament as a RS member. She earned the moniker of a giant killer when she defeated Rahul

Gandhi in Amethi in 2019. Before that Irani had to fight her way through two losses: against INC’s Kapil Sibal in 2004 and Rahul Gandhi in 2014.

SEQUEL FAILS

CONGRESS GURGAON

RAJ BABBAR

An NSD alumni who created a niche for himself in Bollywood with his style of method acting, Raj Babbar has also stayed true to his political niche. The Congress loyalist had a tough fight in the Gurgaon constituency.

Status at 6:00 PM

Trailing against Rao Inderjit Singh by 70,512

Past electoral record

Raj Babbar became a political face during the late 80s. He continued till 2004 as an SP MP till he was ousted from the party. Joined INC in 2008 and defeated SP’s Dimple Yadav to earn his fourth term in the RS. Since then, it has been a patchy ride for the actor, with two losses. (2014, 2019).

QUEEN’S ROYAL DEBUT

BJP MAND

KANGANA RANAUT

The actor has always identified herself as a proud daughter of the soil, who was given a BJP ticket from Mandi in Himachal Pradesh. The showbiz experience helped in her wellattended roadshows where she urged people to consider her as their “sister, daughter.”

Won against Vikramaditya Singh by 74,755

The electoral entry

As someone with strong world views and vocal political positions, it was a natural progression for Kangana to earn her political stripes some day. On her very first brush with electoral politics, Kangana has done good the faith placed in her by the party.

SEASON 3 STARTS

BJP NORTH EAST DELHI

MANOJ TIWARI

For someone who was once defeated by BJP’s Yogi Adityanath, to emerging as their best bet in a keenly-contested elections, Manoj Tiwari has scripted a blockbuster for himself. Status at 6:00 PM

Leading against Kanhaiya Kumar by 1,24,838

Past electoral record

Manoj Tiwari has been a heavy hitter, taking on the likes of Yogi Adityanath in 2009 (when he lost as an SP candidate) and defeating AAP’s Anand Kumar in 2014 after joining the BJP. In 2019 delivered his biggest blockbuster by defeating INC’s Sheila Dikshit by a margin of 3.63 lakh votes.

CONTINUED ON 4

Wasn’t taken seriously at the Grammys before Flowers wins: Miley

I’ve had a hard time figuring out what the measurement is there, because if we want to talk stats and numbers, then where the f**k was I? And if you want to talk, like, impact on culture, then where the f**k was I? This is not about arrogance. I am proud of myself

Miley Cyrus opened up about her experiences with the Grammys, noting that her victories for the hit single Flowers in February marked the “first time actually being taken seriously” at the awards. In a recent interview to a magazine, Miley discussed winning her first Grammys – for Record of the Year and Best Pop Solo performance – after more than twenty years in the music industry.

“No shade, but I’ve been doing this for 20 years, and this is my first time actually being taken seriously at the Grammys?” she told the magazine.

Throughout her career, Miley has released eight studio albums, the latest being 2023’s Endless Summer Vacation. This album received nominations for Album of the Year and Best Pop Vocal Album, while its lead single Flowers was also nominated for Song of the Year. Agencies

Baby Dhawan’s here! Varun and Natasha welcome daughter

Varun Dhawan and Natasha Dalal

Varun Dhawan and Natasha Dalal became parents to a baby girl on Monday. Announcing the birth of their little one on Tuesday morning, Varun shared a cute video on Instagram.

The adorable clip featured an illustration of Varun’s pet dog Joey who was seen holding a placard that read ‘Welcome Lil sis’ (sic). The video post also read, “Baby Dhawan, Proud parents Natasha and Varun, Proud Family – ‘Dalals and Dhawans’.” In the caption, Varun wrote, “Our baby girl is here. Thank you for all the good wishes for the mama and the baby (sic).”

Fans and celebs congratulated the couple on social media. “The best news! Congratulations to you both (sic),” Samantha Ruth Prabhu commented. “Congratulations...wohoo (sic),” Priyanka Chopra wrote. Arjun Kapoor also took to his Instagram stories to congratulate the couple.

Agencies

POV

Have you passed the chopsticks test?

Perhaps you know this already, but your dexterity with a pair of chopsticks says a lot about how well you know your nigiri from your oshi, your temari from your temaki. And if you are planning to google these different dishes, chances are you are yet to belong to that social set of well-informed and well-travelled foodies, who use chopsticks the way most of us would wield a chammach. Without a second thought.

In a video posted by Farah Khan, she pranks her cohost Bharti Singh by taking her out to a fancy restaurant where they serve her a 24-carat gold-foil sushi. Bharti picks up a piece with her fingers and pops it into her mouth. A ‘horrified’ Farah quips: “Pehli baar kisiko dekha golgappe ki style mein sushi khate huey.” While this was probably said in jest, Bharti could be all of us who still struggle to get it right when it comes to getting a grip on the slender sticks.

The surging popularity of modern Asian and Japanese food has posed a serious challenge to most first-generation adopters of global cuisine. No matter how many influencers and celebrities make it seem super easy to wield the chopsticks, it takes practice. And ambition. You have to be really determined to train yourself in the high art of wielding them. Not just to fit in, but as a mark of respect – to the food and the culture. As any millennial or Gen Z-er will tell you, using a knife and fork to have your bulgogi or bimbimbap or udon is as sacrilegious as using cutlery to have your naan and dal makhni.

The legendary Anthony Bourdain was once asked if he would ever decline a dinner invitation from anyone. While Bourdain said he could break bread with anyone who was nice to him, even if they were the KGB, he had his reservations about a certain former POTUS. Bourdain was doubtful if this controversial Republican knew “how to use the chopsticks… let alone grasp them.” On the other hand, he was impressed with Barack Obama, who was “very, very proficient with the chopsticks.”

Perhaps foreshadowing the chopsticks test that the modern world would face one day, Confucius had (allegedly) said: “Knives are for warriors, chopsticks are for scholars.” Some food for thought?

Agree? Disagree? Got a POV idea? Write to us at: pov@timesgroup.com

Heat, dance and a farewell at the Italian Day celebration in Delhi

Friendships are there to last, and the ambassador’s time here when he arrived during COVID wasn’t an easy one. But he has been a great support. He has worked to bring the two countries together – Meenakshi Lekhi, who was invited as the chief guest

“Vincenzo de Luca has been a fantastic representative of Italy... He is the closest friend that India could ever have,” said Jan Thesleff, Ambassador of Sweden

Riya Sharma

Dancing with a marching band, relishing Italian delights, and emotional goodbyes marked the Italian National Day in the capital on Monday. The Ambassador of Italy Vincenzo de Luca, who hosted the National Day, also bid farewell to friends, colleagues, and counterparts before leaving for Italy later this month.

‘WILL TAKE THE LOVE OF INDIAN PEOPLE WITH ME’

The event began with musicians from the Neemrana Music Foundation singing the national anthems of the two countries, followed by a speech by the Italian ambassador. “It is a great pleasure to welcome you all to the celebration of the Italian National Day. The second of June marks the date when the people of Italy chose to live under the Republic and end the dramatic conflict that caused enormous losses. June 2, 1946 was a day of joy, of hope, of reconciliation. My term in India is almost complete and I will be leaving the country before the end of the month. I cannot but feel grateful for the exciting trips, it was not always an easy ride with COVID, lockdowns, but it was always challenging and eye-opening and most importantly, it was lovely. Above all, I take with me the love of Indian people, their friendship, their affection which has supported and inspired me during my tenure,” he said.

Beating the heat

The scorching heat was inevitable, but it didn’t deter the spirits of the guests. Hand fans and tissue papers became added accessories. Shivani Wazir Pasrich, who was dressed right for the occasion, said, “We could see all of them melting on stage but they managed it with amazing music.”

Jan Thesleff, Ambassador of Sweden, added, “I have forgotten about the heat though I would like to take my tie off but it is a fantastic atmosphere with the best music and entertainment.”

Thierry Mathou, Ambassador of France

Shombi Sharp, UN Resident Coordinator

Chang Jae-bok, Ambassador of South Korea

Ralf Heckner, Ambassador of Switzerland

Naor Gilon, Ambassador of Israel

Chetan Seth

Sunit Tandon with Diljeet Titus

Shivani Wazir Pasrich

Meenakshi Lekhi

As the formal program concluded, Vagaband, a marching jazz band, welcomed the guests to dance with them

Meenakshi Lekhi with Vincenzo de Luca, Ambassador of Italy

Mom allowed us to watch only Jo Jeeta: Alaya F

Alaya F; (inset) Pooja Bedi with Aamir Khan in a still from Jo Jeeta Wohi Sikandar (1992)

Alaya F’s mom, Pooja Bedi, has been a part of films like Jo Jeeta Wohi Sikandar (1992), Lootere and Phir Teri Kahani Yaad Aayee (1993), but while growing up the actress was allowed to see just one of them. Alaya shares, “My mother allowed me to see only one movie that she has been a part of – Jo Jeeta Wohi Sikandar. She didn’t let me see the rest because she was so embarrassed by what she had done in them (laughs). Once, on her birthday, I found some footage of one of her other films, and she was so embarrassed that we all were laughing.”

Alaya, who debuted with Jawaani Jaaneman (2020) and has been seen in movies like Srikanth, Bade Miyan Chote Miyan and Freddy, shares that her mom loves watching her on the screen. She says, “Mom loves all my work so far. The moment she sees me on screen, she bursts out crying. When I am about to come on the screen, I start looking at her because I know how much she tries to hold or control her emotions.”

— Onkar Kulkarni

If you don’t know the right people, you are a nobody here, says Harsh Chhaya

I will credit my entire career to the kind of roles I was offered in television a decade ago. But, in the last few years, I haven’t enjoyed doing TV

There were attempts made to get me out of Jolly LLB by bad mouthing me. But director Subhash Kapoor continued working with me

Harsh Chhaya; (inset) the actor in a still from Undekhi

Tanvi Trivedi

His career spans three decades, and he’s an actor who has been appreciated for his performances. But Harsh Chhaya is also known to call a spade a spade. In a recent social media post, he wrote about favouritism and unprofessionalism in showbiz. When we spoke to him about this, he elaborated further on the highs and lows of showbiz and why in recent times, he hasn’t been seen much on the screen. Excerpts from the conversation:

While you are currently doing OTT shows, you seem to have kept away from television and films for a while now. Why?

I will credit my entire career to the kind of roles I was offered in television a decade ago. But, in the past few years, I haven’t enjoyed doing TV or films. I say films because normally one believes that after playing smaller parts, you will eventually bag bigger roles. But that has not happened. I continue to get offers for four scenes in insignificant roles. Similarly, in television, earlier there were good stories, and every character was well written, but today, there is a hero, heroine and the rest are standing in the background.

You recently put out a post on social media where you said that even after doing two good web shows (Undekhi, Mukhbir) you weren’t offered good roles. What do you think went wrong?

My performances in web shows Undekhi and Mukhbir got good feedback and yet, I am sitting at home. So, one wonders what went wrong. Being a character actor is not easy in showbiz. In addition, I am not happy with how the entire casting system behaves with actors who are not film stars or new actors, but somewhere in the between. If you haven’t done films with stars, then you are perceived as someone who doesn’t hold much weight. I have no problem in auditioning, I had auditioned for my part in Fashion too, but why audition for a role which will last for two days? So, I have kept myself busy with voice overs and enough roles to run my kitchen in the last few years.

Do you think the shooting experience has changed a lot, in terms of the process and professionalism?

Earlier, the entire film unit would stay together. Today, it is divided according to the number of days you shoot. If you don’t belong to a particular group or don’t know the right kind of people, then you are a nobody here. Only a few directors like Madhur Bhandarkar or Subhash Kapoor are professional about this. And if you refuse a role, they tend to spread the word that you are not an easy guy to work with.

Initially, the leap & my exit from Ghum Hai came as a shock: Shakti

Shakti Arora; (inset) the actor with Bhavika Sharma in a still from Ghum Hai Kisike Pyaar Mein

Shakti Arora, who is currently playing the lead in Ghum Hai Kisike Pyaar Mein, will bid adieu to the show soon. Ghum Hai... is taking a leap and the makers have decided to introduce a new lead actor.

Expressing disappointment, Shakti, who entered the show a year ago. said, “It is sad. Initially, when I was told that the show is headed for a leap, I was shocked because it had been doing well in terms of ratings. A leap is generally planned when a show is not doing well. But I slowly came to terms with it and accepted it is as a part of the business. Also, our season lasted for a year which is good. What I am actually disappointed with is that the love angle between Savi (Bhavika Sharma) and my character Ishaan was not explored. In the first season, the love angle between actors Neil Bhatt and Ayesha Singh was portrayed well, so I don’t understand why that was not done in our season. But, all’s well now and I am happy to move on and focus on future projects.”

Commenting on the sudden time leaps and changes in storylines in TV shows, Shakti said, “People want to see romance, separation drama, basically masala, and that’s how the makers get good viewership. So, if you don’t give the audience fights and tragedy, a show’s popularity could dip. Also, I don’t feel anybody is to be blamed when it comes to sudden leaps or exits in a show.”

Shakti is hoping to take up something interesting soon. “I want to focus on a meaty role, good script and if there are good offers in OTT, that too.”

— Tanvi Trivedi

CELEB CANDIDATES HAVE A MIXED DAY

THE BHOJPURI EXPRESS

BJP GORAKHPUR RAVI KISHAN

RAVI KISHAN

The popular actor who’s been getting a whole lotta love for his performance in Lapataa Ladies, is getting as much love for his voters as well in Gorakhpur. That too for the second time.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against Kajal Nishad by 78,302

Past electoral record

Lost from Jaunpur on congress ticket (2014), joined BJP in 2017 Ravi Kishan been on a winning streak ever since.

HITTING A BUM NOTE?

BJP FARIDKOT

Hans Raj Hans

It is not always a smooth ride for musicians who get into the heat and dust of Indian politics. But sufi-folk singer Hans Raj Hans, with his robust fan following and on-stage charisma had proved to be an exception. Until now.

Status at 4:00 PM

Trailing against Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa by 1,72,685

In the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, Hans Raj Hans was elected as the Member of Parliament from this North West Delhi seat.Past electoral record

POWER STAR’S POWER PLAY

JSP PITHAPURAM (AP ASSEMBLY)

PAWAN KALYAN

Following a successful stint in cinema, Telugu actor Pawan Kalyan, known as the Power Star, began his political career in 2008 with Yuvarajyam, the youth wing of Praja Rajyam Party, founded by his brother Chiranjeevi.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading by 67,843 against Vanga Geetha Viswanth

Though he campaigned, Pawan Kalyan did not contest in 2009 elections. On March 14, 2014, he founded the Jana Sena Party, advocating social justice and reform. Jana Sena contested in 140 constituencies in 2019.Past electoral record

THIS ‘DIDI’ IS NO 1

TMC HOOGHLY RACHNA BANERJEE

It was a masterstroke when Didi (Mamata Banerjee) roped in Rachna, the popular host of Didi No 1 show, as a candidate. Pitted against her former colleague and friend BJP heavyweight Locket Chatterjee, Rachana’s every move and word was scrutinised, meme-fied and analysed.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against Locket Chatterjee by 29,889

The electoral entry

Despite her many detractors, who had much to say about her naivete and lack of understanding of political issues, Rachana is poised to prove once again that popular abhinetas can make for winning netas as well.

LIGHTS, CAMERA, ACTION!

TMC GHATAL DEV

Darling of the masses, with a commendable grip on the boxoffice even during its bleakest phases, Dev nearly quit politics before Didi (Mamata Banerjee) pulled him back. Pitted against his former colleague Hiranmoy Chatterjee, Dev has been a visible and hard working campaigner poised for a hattrick.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against Hiranmoy Chattopadhyaya by 1,29,037

Past electoral record

Won the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections as TMC candidate. Re-elected in 2019.

QUEEN OF ACE

TMC JADAVPUR

SAAYONI GHOSH

The film and television actress has been known for her firebrand persona and ability to connect with youngsters at the grassroots level. No wonder wonder TMC trusted her with the hotseat of Jadavpur this year.

Status at 4:00 PM

Past electoral record

President of AITMC youth wing, she contested from Asansol (South) but was defeated by Agnimitra Paul (BJP).

Leading against Anirban Ganguly by 1,86,326

THRICE BLESSED

TDP HINDUPUR (AP ASSEMBLY) BALAKRISHNA

Son of the legendary Telugu actor, founder of the Telugu Desam Party, and former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, the late NTR, Balakrishna is heir to a cinematic and political legacy few can boast of. He enjoys great popularity among his voters as he bids to secure a third consecutive term.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against Deepika TN by 23,430

Past electoral record

He won the Hindupur Assembly Constituency seat in both the 2014 and 2019 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections with significant margins.

A SMASHING DEBUT

TMC BAHARAMPUR

YUSUF PATHAN

The former cricketer was a surprise choice for TMC against Congress heavyweight Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. Pathan’s decision to join electoral politics got a thumbs up from his family and younger brother Irfan Pathan.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury by 46,936

The electoral entry

For a political novice, Pathan put on an impressive performance in the high-octane fight against the Congress veteran and proved his detractors wrong

THIRD TIME LUCKY!

BJP THRISSUR

THRISSUR SURESH GOPI

The National Award-winning actor, won his first election marking BJP’s first win from Kerala in the parliamentary elections. Gopi was nominated as a Rajya Sabha MP in 2016. The same year, he became a member of BJP.

Status at 4:00 PM

Leading against VS Sunilkumar by 74,686

Gopi, who was a part of the Students Federation of India (SFI) in his younger days, contested under BJP’s banner in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, but lost. In 2021, he again contested elections, this time the Kerala Assembly polls. He contested from Thrissur, but lost again.x

THIRD TIME LUCKY!A SMASHING DEBUT

YSRCP NAGARI (AP ASSEMBLY)

BJP RK ROJA SELVAMANI

A veteran of over 150 films, actress RK Roja Selvamani carved a niche for herself with her performances in films across all four south Indian languages. After a successful acting career, she ventured into politics in 1998. Presently, she serves as Minister for Tourism, Culture, and Youth Advancement of Andhra Pradesh. Status at 4:00 PM

Status at 4:00 PM

Trailing against Gali Banu Prakash by 40,687

Past electoral record

After unsuccessful bids with TDP in the 2004 and 2009 elections, she joined the Indian National Congress in 2009. She joined YSR Congress Party, winning as MLA from Nagari in 2014 and 2019.

The carbon footprint left behind during concerts is huge: Ricky Kej

Debarati S Sen

Three-time Grammy winner musician Ricky Kej has been an environmentalist for many years. On World Environment Day today, he tells us how some bands are attempting eco-friendly shows, but they have a long way to go.

Ricky says, “I believe that greenwashing is far worse than not doing anything at all for the environment. Greenwashing makes concertgoers believe that they’re doing something good for the environment when that’s not actually the case.”

Kej explains that bands need to come out with the facts and figures about how their concert is eco-friendly. He says, “Doing something good for the environment in this case, is not doing the concert at all! That’s because there are flights involved, so there’s carbon footprint, ground transportation, printing of materials, posters, use of generators, batteries and more.”

‘WE CAN’T RUN EVEN A FRACTION OF A CONCERT ON SOLAR POWER’

Ricky further explains, “It is not possible to run even a fraction of a concert with just solar power,. Earlier this year, the concert we did at the Gateway of India, had a huge number of solar panels at the venue. We were able to power only the lighting and a little bit of the sound system during the soundcheck with that, not the rest of the concert.”

‘BANDS CLAIMING THEIR SHOW IS ECO-FRIENDLY SHOULD GET FACTS’

“Bands power batteries with solar energy, and then they power the concert with that because it is held at night. So, obviously the battery will have to travel from city to city. One may as well use diesel which is used in trucks, and the generator that will be powering the concert, right? Bands who claim their show is eco-friendly, should state facts about how much of the concert is solar powered? The overall carbon footprint left behind during concerts is huge. Once all the calculations are made, you will see that the impact on the environment is much higher.”

Coldplay exceed their original target of 50% reduction in CO2e emissions

On World Environment Day, Coldplay through their website and social media handle communicated that they had pledged to reduce their direct carbon emissions from show production, freight, band and crew travel by at least 50 percent. These figures have been verified by the MIT Environmental Solutions Initiative.

A film set can exist without consuming mindless plastic, says Dia Mirza Rekhi

Dia Mirza Rekhi

Dia Mirza Rekhi has been advocating for a greener planet for quite a few years now. On World Environment Day today, the actress talks about the efforts that film crews can take to reduce plastic and other waste while shooting.

Dia is also a producer and shares that a lot of production houses have already taken some positive steps towards making a greener change. She explains, “The good thing now is that a lot of the platforms are bringing sustainability into their mandates for production. So, more and more productions are eliminating single-use plastic products on set. They have stopped printing paper and are managing their waste. But I think beyond the realm of these collaborations, if every producer just ensures that there is no food waste and that all the waste that is generated is managed and disposed of scientifically, it will be a big step towards maintaining a greener environment.” The actress says that even when film crews travel for outdoor shoots, it is their responsibility to keep the surroundings clean.

— Onkar Kulkarni

TIMES FOODIE

Desi cheese variants you need to try right away

Indian cheese varieties are more artisanal. Kalari reminds me of halloumi. It works wonderfully in a phyllo pastry with caramelised onions. Its versatile texture makes it perfect with breads, canapes, and for cheese platters. Bandel cheese, on the other hand, pairs well with Sundarban honey – Prachi Saraogi, F&B consultant & founder, indigenous product & services brand

Nandini Ganguly

Mozzarella, cheddar, parmesan, gouda; you may be familiar with these cheese varieties that are common in global cuisine. But did you know that there are multiple Indian artisanal cheese variants as well? Those beyond paneer and ones that come loaded with flavour and history.

Chhurpi cheese

Considered to be the hardest cheese in the world, chhurpi traces its origin to Sikkim, Darjeeling and Kalimpong, and countries like Nepal and Bhutan. Chhurpi or durkha is made from yak’s milk and is known for its toughness and smokyness. Thanks to a lengthy fermentation and drying process. There is a softer version, which borders on a neutral-tangy flavour. Chhurpi is culturally significant in the Himalayan regions, where its process is passed down generations.

Bandel cheese

This is a product of the 16th century Portuguese colonies, and European cheese-making techniques. It gets its name from a small town by the banks of Hooghly in West Bengal, called Bandel. Made by curdling cow milk and separating curd from whey, this complex, salty and crumbly cheese is shaped into round cakes. There’s a smoked variety too that infuses a distinct aroma. Paneer and chhena, are descendants of Bandel cheese. Only one family from West Bengal, that has been making this variety for 11 generations, is said to be actively producing it even today.

Kalimpong cheese

This semi-hard cheese introduced by the Swiss missionaries in Kalimpong in the 19th century is made from cow’s milk. While the unripened version comes with a hint of tang, the ripened cheese has a slightly nutty flavour, almost like aged gouda cheese, but sharper. The fusion of European cheesemaking techniques and local tradition adds to the distinctive taste of this variety.

Kalari cheese

This traditional cheese from Jammu and Kashmir’s nomadic Gujjar and Bakarwal community is made from cow, buffalo or goat’s milk. It’s heated, stretched, and kneaded into a thin sheet before being hung to dry. Kalari is then smoked over a fire made from walnut or apricot wood, which imparts a distinct smoky flavour. Kalari, kaladi, or maish krej, meaning milk chapati in Kashmiri, is a ripened cheese that’s reminiscent of mozzarella due to a similar texture and flavour profile. miraimaia

Best consumed: As a topping on salads, pastas, risottos, and in sandwiches

Best consumed: In momos, soups, stews and pickles or as a toffee/ snack

Best consumed: In sandwiches, or with crackers, fruits etc

Best consumed: Grilled, fried, sauteed, or melted and served with bread

This World Environment Day, let us show some kindness to Mother Earth

Conventional farming practices frequently depend on pesticides and chemical fertilisers, which contribute to soil degradation, water pollution, and biodiversity loss. These chemicals contaminate water sources and diminish soil fertility which, in turn, hinders the cultivation of nutritious crops.

Conventional farming can be transformed through organic farming. Organic products are grown under a system of agriculture without the use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides.

Jayen Mehta (MD, GCMMF, Amul) shares, “At Amul Organic, we recognise the impact of harmful practices which contribute to rising chronic diseases and pollution of soil and water. Our mission is to nurture our planet back to health and provide safe, healthy food for the present and future generations. We are dedicated to creating a pesticidefree India. Our commitment is to produce the purest, most natural products for families across India.”

He goes on to add, “Our quality-control measures ensure that our products remain free from over 225 chemicals and pesticides. With 75 years of trust and National Programme for Organic Production certification, we are dedicated to providing sustainable, nutrient-rich food for generations to come. This World Environment Day, join us in celebrating the transformative power of organic produce to build a sustainable future for generations to come.” Visit shop.amul.com to explore more organic products

Vegan burgers: A healthy and tasty plant-based twist

Plant-based patties are juicy, flavourful, and satisfying. They’re also healthier and great for the environment. It’s a win-win – Vijayalakshmi Vikram

Devika V Menon

Who says a burger needs meat? Food blogger Vijayalakshmi Vikram says plant-based patties can be just as juicy, flavourful, and satisfying as their classic counterparts. “In addition, they’re healthier and great for the environment. It’s a win-win,” she said.

When making vegan burgers, mushrooms and beans, are an excellent alternative, she tells us. “Honestly, there are plant-based alternatives for almost anything these days, so as a vegan I never feel like I'm missing out on anything in life. Being vegan for over seven years is more than just a diet for me, it's a lifestyle choice built on kindness to animals and living compassionately.”

Ingredients: For the patty (makes six):

● 400 gms button mushroom

● 3 large potatoes

● 100 gms panko bread crumbs

● 100 gms tofu

● 1 full cup cooked black bean or kidney beans

● 3 tbsp chilli flakes, 1 tbsp soya sauce, 1 tbsp each of onion and garlic powder, salt to taste Black bean & mushroom burger with crunchy peanuts

Veggies for the burger:

● Lettuce

● Sliced onions

● Cucumber

● Tomato

● Jalapenos METHOD Prep work for patty:

● Shred the mushrooms.

● Boil the potatoes

● Pressure cook beans Prep work for spread:

● Hang 400 gms of peanut curd ina muslin cloth

● Roast capsicums in a preheatedoven at 175 degrees for 45 mins

For the patty: Heat oil in a pan. Add the mushroom. Then add 1 tbsp soya sauce, 1 tbsp onion powder, 3 tbsp chilli flakes, salt, 1 tbsp garlic powder, and 100 gms of finely shredded tofu. Saute until all the water is evaporated. Add mashed boiled potato. Mix well. Grind roasted peanuts and the black beans. Transfer to a mixing bowl. Add bread crumbs, make into patties and refrigerate. After an hour, shallow fry on low flame. For making the spread: Blend the roasted capsicum, the hung peanut curds, garlic powder, and salt to a paste. You can also add a boiled potato or cashew nuts. Assembling the burger: Tawa heat the burger buns, then place the patty, lettuce leaves, onion, tomato, cucumber slices and add the spread.

Plant-based patties in burgers can be just as juicy, flavourful as the traditional meat options

TRIPPIN

SPAIN’s got the sunshine, and KARISHMA TANNA seems to be adding sparkle to it with her señorita vibes

Table of Contents

TOI Print Edition Jun 05, 2024

Front Page

Hat-Tricky: NDA 272 Paar, INDIA Raises Bar

Saffron sweeps all 7 Delhi seats for 3rd time in row, takes Ggn, Noida, Gzb too

‘Bold decisions’ to define third term, says Modi, vows war against graft

Big message is people don’t want Modi, Shah running country: Rahul

Sena beats Sena by 48 votes in see-saw thriller

Naidu’s back with a bang in Andhra, new disha in Odisha

Sensex suffers biggest-ever loss of 4,390 pts, `31L cr investor wealth wiped out in a session

FASTEN YOUR SEAT BELTS

Times Nation

67 emerge joint toppers in NEET-UG

Sukhoi fighter crashes in Nashik, pilots eject safely

MP pilgrim dies as boulder falls from hill & hits vehicle on Gangotri highway

Duo who handed over `3L from Porsche kid’s dad to docs arrested

Eco-cation: Your guide to green getaways

Times City

Court seeks MCD’s reply over plying of horse-drawn carts

19-year-old suspect in murder case shot at during encounter

Rain Respite After A Hot & Humid Day

Air India ties up with Delhi Metro to facilitate check-in for international flyers at metro stns

A FEW TIPS TO BEAT NEARLY 50-DEGREE TORTURE

Probe ‘shoddy’, court asks home ministry to act against officer

DDA’s New Desilting Deadline: June-End

Real estate bizman asked to pay `2 crore

Delhi magistrate courts accord little time to hear accused on first production: Study

Chargesheet against CM in court on July 9

No bail to businessman, HC terms accusations serious

Work on to link subway to Gole Market museum

SC Refuses Relief To Sisodia In Excise Case

Man arrested for murder

Act now to save our planet

Dance Of Democracy

Behind The Numbers, Beyond The Headlines

How small drop in BJP vote share led to big dent in tally

Where contests were direct, victory margins were the narrowest

Why high GDP growth did not fetch BJP electoral gains

‘Wild card’ entry: Samvidhan bachao narrative strikes chord with voters

Minority community plays major role in SP & Trinamool seat surge

Mandal momentum shakes up Hindutva juggernaut

No farewell to welfare: BJP may loosen purse strings

Man With Modified Mandate

Not so ‘Upyogi’? Results reversal comes as reality check for UP CM

Himanta: Will N-E star campaigner lose sheen?

Faizabad: Mandir no guarantee of mandate

Not Keeping Ear To The Ground Hurt BJP

Smriti, 6 ministers lose in UP; victory margins fall for others

Saffron citadels breached as INDIA finds Uttar

New territories help BJP compensate for losses

3 reasons why tally halved in largest state

Spunky RaGa Gives Cong A Comeback Tune

Congress ticks right boxes, finds mojo for upcoming battles

Together they rose: INDIA proves bigger than sum of its parts

YouTubers earn eyeballs, give oppn a leg up

Akhilesh Takes A Step ‘Backward’ To Move Forward And Beyond MY

Tejashwi leads charge on road to 2025 assembly polls

Allies May Change, But Nitish Remains Axis Of Bihar Politics

Maya caught in her own jaal as Jatav voters shift loyalty

KCR, man seeking national flight, crashlands where it all began

Out of Kejriwal shadow, lone ranger Mann brings AAP consolation prize

Beyond Big Two, Power Players

Venerable Veterans Far From Done

Didi’s Gambit To Ditch INDIA In WB, ‘Go Ekla’ Splits Votes In Her Favour

Uncertain road ahead for Ajit’s NCP after lone LS poll victory

Uddhav proves he’s more than just his father’s son

BJP Goes All Out In TN But No Cracks In Stalin’s Citadel

‘Bhatakti Aatma’ stages a comeback, shows his nephew who’s the real NCP

Rebel Shinde holds ground despite ‘sympathy wave’

Bansuri gets poll tune right

Bidhuri has rival on the mat

Upstart upstages old hand

BJP goes north in North West

Ctrl+Alt+Delhi:Alliance Finds Zero Bandwidth

No wild swings in West

Tiwari coasts to third win

Why assembly polls may still be anybody’s game

A see-saw victory in East

AAPeal diminished, Kejriwal’s troubles mount

Again, Delhi Goes To Biggest Party

New Tricks Needed Despite Hat-Trick

Cong needs gust to convert winds of change into wave

In game of thorns, AAP must keep flock together

Muslim vote fails to swing it for alliance in Delhi

POLLINATION

Margins Go South, But South Hry Stays With BJP

BJP’s Gurjar makes it a three-peat in Faridabad

Cong wins 5 seats; farmers’ discontent and Agnipath take a toll on BJP’s tally Vinay Gupta

It’s a hat-trick for Sharma in GB Nagar, victory margin of 5.6L biggest in state

Saffron run unbroken in Gzb as Garg cruises: ‘Faced dissent, misinformation but all well now’

Change Rides On SP’s Cycle

Minority report: 4/4 for SP’s Muslim picks

It’s a five-star performance by BJP, and a hat-trick too

Kings & queen in all 4 HP seats swear by saffron

With 11 seats, desert state helps INDIA quench thirst

29-0: MP healer for BJP, horror for Cong

Guaranteed win? BJP scores 5th straight victory

Didi’s Double Delight: Weak Centre, Weaker State Oppn

Manipur & 3 N-E states dump NDA

Himanta doffs hat to Cong hero Rakibul

Nine not fine: Single digit for NDA, tribals back INDIA

Written off, Nitish surprises all and equals BJP’s dozen

In stunning blow, BJD draws a blank. BJP takes 20, Cong bags the other

Editorial

Politics Returns To The Old Normal

New Reality For Modi Sarkar: Play Nice

Good Democratic Politics: Create Jobs

Back To Practical Hinduism

Heartland’s Caste Consensus

Why Modi Doesn’t Really Need A Makeover

Elections That Reminded Netas, People Are The Boss

Why Congress Is Back But Isn’t Quite There Yet

Videos Told The Story: It’s Not One Nation, One Pole

Times Global

Maldives, China discuss further bolstering defence relations

Biden: ‘Every reason’ to believe Bibi prolonging war for political survival

Indian student missing in US located, is safe

Sunak & Starmer set for first debate face-off as disruptor Farage roils UK election waters

CONGRESSMAN’S 6-YEAR-OLD SON STEALS SHOW ON HOUSE FLOOR

3 babies abandoned in London over 7 years are siblings, reveals court

India’s neighbours Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan congratulate Modi

Aus military to recruit non-citizens in a bid to boost troop numbers

AROUND THE WORLD

Biden orders block on asylum seekers at Mexico border

Russia bots target Paris Olympics with deepfake Tom Cruise video

Times Sport

AN AIR OF UNPREDICTABILITY

MY T20 FORM IS BEST IN A DECADE AFTER SUCCESS IN THE IPL, SAYS CUMMINS

GAVASKAR PICKS KOHLI TO OPEN, WANTS JAISWAL TO BAT AT NO. 3

Special ‘bouncer training’ for perfectionist Pant

‘Tried to convince Dravid to stay on, but he has priorities’

Afghans off the mark with Afghans off the mark with resounding win over Ugandaresounding win over Uganda

Appointing Bravo as bowling coach a fantastic move: Afghan coach Trott

Schedule, travel too hectic for us while others rest: Sri Lanka

COLLAPSE ON CLAY

After four terms as MP’s CM, Shivraj now books LS seat

Rajawat stuns Prannoy; Lakshya in second round

Scindia reclaims Guna after 5 yrs, posts 5.4L win

Arjun breaks into world top-5 in FIDE rating list

It’s smooth sailing for Sinner

New realities may make Modi tweak game but not faze him

Will use 3rd term to root out corruption in all forms: PM

Stimac likely to pick Edmund as first from I-League for national duty

Germany draw with Ukraine; England, Croatia ease to wins

Delhi Times

HOW THE Abhi netas FARED THIS TIME

Wasn’t taken seriously at the Grammys before Flowers wins: Miley

Baby Dhawan’s here! Varun and Natasha welcome daughter

Have you passed the chopsticks test?

Heat, dance and a farewell at the Italian Day celebration in Delhi

Mom allowed us to watch only Jo Jeeta: Alaya F

If you don’t know the right people, you are a nobody here, says Harsh Chhaya

Initially, the leap & my exit from Ghum Hai came as a shock: Shakti

CELEB CANDIDATES HAVE A MIXED DAY

The carbon footprint left behind during concerts is huge: Ricky Kej

A ﬁlm set can exist without consuming mindless plastic, says Dia Mirza Rekhi

Desi cheese variants you need to try right away

This World Environment Day, let us show some kindness to Mother Earth

Vegan burgers: A healthy and tasty plant-based twist

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